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CORNELL UNIVERSITY

LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES PROGRAM

ANDEAN PAST Volume 5 1998

ANDEANPAST Volume 5 1998 Editors: Monica Barnes Cornell University

and Daniel H. Sandweiss University of Maine

Guest Cf!-editor, Inca Section:

Brian S. Bauer University of Illinois

Graphics Editor:

David Fleming New York

Editorial Advisory Board

Richard L. Burger Yale University

Thomas F. Lynch Brazos County Museum of Natural History

Craig Morris American Museum of NaturalHistory

Copyright c 1998 by the Cornell University Latin American Studies Program ,

The Cornell UniversityLatin American StudiesProgram is the publishinginstitutionfor ANDEAN PAST. Orders should be addressed to: La.tinAmerican Studies Program; 190 Uris Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853; telephone (607) 255-3345, fax (607) 255-8919. Inquiries and manuscriptssubmittedfor future volumesshould be sent to Monica Barnes, 377 Rector Place, II-J, New York, New York 10280; tel. (212) 945-0535; cell phone (917) 992-5880; e-mail [email protected] to Daniel H. Sandweiss,Dept. of Anthropology,S. Stevens Hall, University of Maine, Orono, ME 04469-5773; tel. (207) 581-1889; fax (207) 581-1823; e-mail [email protected].

This publication is partially funded through the U.S. Department of Education Title VI Cornell University/Universityof PittsburghConsortiumon Latin American Studies.

ii

ANDEANPAST Volume 5 1998 TABLE OF CONTENTS Editor's Preface by Daniel H. Sandweiss

v

Reidy Fogel, 1956-1994by Richard L. Burger

1

Daniel Wolfman, 1939-1994by Izumi Shimada

5

Thematic Section: Inca Studies

The Inca Compound at La Centinela, Chincha by Dwight T. Wallace Reconstmcting the Great' Hall at Inkallacta by VincentR. Lee

9 35

Reconstmcting Andean Shrine Systems: A Test Case from the Xaquixaguana (Anta) Region of Cusco, Pem by Brian S. Bauer and Wilton BarrionuevoOrosco 73 The Temple of Blindness: An Investigation of the Inca Shrine of Ancocagua by Johan Reinhard

89

Ethnogenesis in Huamachuco by John R. Topic

109

Coca Production on the Inca Frontier: the Yungas of Chuquioma by Catherine J. Julien

129

Creating a Ruin in Colonial Cusco: Sacsahuaman and What Was Made of It by Carolyn S. Dean

161

Miscellanea

The Alca Obsidian Source: The Origin of Raw Material for Cusco Type Obsidian Artifacts by Richard L. Burger, Frank Asaro, Paul Trawick, and Fred Stross

iii

185

The Chivay Obsidian Source and the Geological Origin of Titicaca Basin Type Obsidian Artifacts by Richard L. Burger, Frank Asaro, Guido Salas, and Fred Stross 203 The Jampatilla Obsidian Source: Identifying the Geological Source of Pampas Type Obsidian Artifacts from Southern Peru by Richard L. Burger, KatharinaJ. Schreiber, Michael D. Glascock, and Jose Ccencho 225 Unifaces in Early Andean Culture History: The Nanchoc Lithic Tradition of Northern Peru by Jack Rossen 241 Lithic Provenience Analysis and Emerging Material Complexity at Formative Period Chiripa, Bolivia by David L. Browman 301 Textiles from the Lower Osmore Valley, Southern Peru: A Cultural Interpretation by Ran Boytner

325

Corbel Vaulted Sod Structures in the Context of Lake Titicaca Basin Settlement Patterns . by Sergio J. Chave-z

357

Archaeomagnetic Results from Peru: A.D. 700-1500 by Daniel Wolfmanand Richard E. Dodson

409

Addresses of Authors

421

iv

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Sandweiss: Editor's Preface

Editor's Preface It is a great pleasure to present Andean Past 5, after an interval of four years since Volume 4 (1994) appeared. With 15 articles and two obituaries, AP 5 is our longest volume to date. As in Volumes 3 and 4, we present a special thematic section, this time on Inca studies. This section was inspired by a symposium at the 1993 Society for American Archaeology Annual Meeting in St. Louis, coorganized by Brian Bauer and myself. Brian kindly consented to act as guest co-editor for the thematic section, which comprises seven papers. The miscellanea section includes eight articles on a variety of topics.

With sadness, we also include two obituariesof scholarswhose lives and careers ended far too soon. At the time of her death, Heidy Fogel had barely finished her doctoral dissertation under Richard Burger, who has written her obituary. ThoughI met Hei4y on only a few occasions,I was impressedby her seriousnessas we~las by her pleasantpersonality. Daniel Wolfman was only in his mid50s and still had plans to further develop the New World archaeomagneticrecord. Many of the data points used in his Peruvian work came fromprojects run by Izumi Shimada,the author of his obituary. For over a decade, I wouldrun into Dan at leastonce a year, in the Museo Nacional or the Pensi6n See in Lima, or at the Society for American Archaeology AnnualMeetings. I still half expectto see his familiarface and hear his loud call of "jtocayo!" across the room. Thanks to the efforts of Richard E. Dodson and Jeff Cox, we are fortunateto have a well-editedversionof Dan Wolfman'sfinalpaper on the Peruvianarchaeomagnetic curve, which we include as the final article in this volume. This publication is a fitting tribute to Dan, especiallybecause it seems likely that many years will pass before new research supersedes his results reported here. Though the seven papers in the thematic section on Inca Studies cover a wide variety of subjects,two research foci emerge.

First, many papers follow a long-standing and productive avenue of investigation by using architecture to gain insight into Inca technology, history, organization, and even Colonial Period negotiations over ethnic identity. The other focus, also with a distinguished intellectual history in the Andes, involves the use of ethnohistorical information, often in combination with archaeological data, to study the same range of questions.

In his article on La Centinela,the most importantlate prehispanicsite in the Chincha Valley, Dwight Wallace draws on field data gathered40 years ago when the site was better preserved than today. Wallacefocuseson the Inca sector of La Centinela, though he also makessomeobservationsabout the substantial local structures as well. Careful analysis of the layout of the Inca buildings, especially concerning access and sight lines, allows Wallace to suggest the purposes of state for which the structures were designed. Additional insights about the Inca occupation of Chincha come from observationssuch as the wall segmentwith adobes cut and fit like Inca stonework and hidden behind mud plaster. Wallace draws inferences from this construction technique,where the extra work provided no functional benefit and plaster eliminates visual symbolismas a motivation. Vincent Lee's careful analysis of the Great Hall at Inka1lacta,in Bolivia, offers insight into Inca construction techniquesand motivations. The Great Hall is well enough preserved for Lee to make a reasoned reconstructionof the original structure. The building was one of the largest in the Inca empire, and Lee calculates that it could easily have held assembliesof over 1000people. In his search for the Inca shrine at Ancocagua,Johan Reinhardintegrateshistorical, geographic, and archaeologicalinformation. Early documentsindicate that the site was one of the major temples in the Inca empire and that it had been an important

ANDEANPAST 5 (1998) .

sacred place before the Inca conquered it. Reinhard makesa compellingcasethat Ancocagua is the archaeological site now known as Mana Fortaleza, located about 140 km southeast of Cusco and recently mapped and excavated by Peruvian archaeologists. Carolyn Dean's study of the postConquest fate of Sacsahuaman, the great Inca fortress and ceremonial center above Cusco, highlights the symbolic importance of Inca architecture in the process of negotiating' identity in Colonial Cusco. She notes that Colonial Spanish, Inca, and non-Inca Andeans all used Sacsahuaman as a symbolic cornerstone in their reconstruction of history and the construction of their place in Colonial society. Especially important in this respect was the defeat there of Manco Inca in 1536. The question of ethnic identity is also central. to John Topic's analysis of late prehispanic Huamachuco in the northern highlands of Peru. Following critena established by Mana Rostworowski for recognizing Andean ethnic groups, Topic employs archaeological data to trace probable group boundaries and interaction in and around the Huamachuco area for pre-In~ times. He uses the results of this study, combined with ethnohistoric data, to show how the Inca manipulated, or even created, ethnic identities in the region.

By continuing to seek and map out the physical and toponymic manifestations of Inca shrine systems in the south-central Andes, Brian Bauer and Wilton Barrionuevo provide data crucial to evaluating ideas about this important aspect of Inca social, political, and religious organization. The Anta shrine system reported here is less well documented than the Cusco system that Bauer has also studied. However, it does provide a useful comparison while suggesting that the Cusco example is not unique. Catherine Julien's detailed analysis of early Colonial coca production in the yungas of Chuquioma, in Bolivia, is a welcome addition to the growing corpus of ethnohistoric

-vi data on coca in the Andes. The appended primary documentsare publishedhere for the first time. By carefully contextualizingher data, Julien is able to extract information about Inca economicorganizationas it relates to coca processing in the region. In a series of three articles, Richard Burger and his colleaguesreport on the loca': tion of three importantobsidiansourcesin the southernhighlandsof Peru. Material from all three had been identifiedfrom archaeological collections when Burger and his Berkeley collaboratorsbegan this line of research over 20 years ago, but only now can the sourcesbe confidently located in space. Alca is the source for obsidian formerly called the "Cuzco Type"; Chivay is the source of the "Titicaca Basin Type"; and Jampatilla is the source of the "PampasType". In additionto providing the technicalinformationnecessary for other researchers to match obsidian geochemistry to the identified sources, each article also includes a' discussion of the archaeologicaldistributionand possible significance of obsidian from each source. Due to the paucity of analyzed samples from earlier sites, most relevant information refers to the MiddleHorizonor later. However, the recent discovery of Alca source obsidianin deposits dating between about 11,000 and 10,000 BP in a Peruvian coastal site points to the potential for a very long record of use of Alca, Chivay, and Jampatillaobsidian. In his studyof lithicprovenienceat the Upper Formative Period site of Chiripa, on the shores of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia, David Browman also traces the movementof materials across the Andeanlandscape. Browman finds that the sources of minerals and stones for some light-weightobjects may have been as much as 500 km from Chiripa. Heavy building stones, sometimesweighing several tons, were apparently brought from quarries up to 80 km distant. As Jack Rossenpoints out in his article on the Nanchoc Lithic Tradition (NLT), Middle Preceramic sites from northwestern

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Peru north as far as Panama are often dominated by unifaciallyworked stone tool assemblages. Thanks to Rossen's detailed analysis of the Nanchoc materials, recovered from sites on the forested western slopes of the Andes in the Upper Zafia Valley of northern Peru, the NLT is one of the best-studiedof theseunifacialassemblages. Amonghis many results, Rossen suggests that unifacial lithic assemblagesindicate more diverse and plantorientedeconomieslinkedto greater sedentism and an onset of intensification.

Sandweiss: Editor's Preface

last volume, all of them positive. It is a pleasure to welcome our new Graphics Editor, David Fleming. Though he formally joined us late in the process of preparing AP 5, his contributionsare already evident in this volume. Congratulationsare also due to Editorial AdvisoryBoard member Craig Morris, who, amongother honors, has recentlybeen elected to the National Academyof Sciencesand the AmericanAcademyof Arts and Sciences. On behalf of the permanent editorial staff, I would like to thank guest co-editor Brian Bauer for his importantrole in acquiringand Ran Boytner's analysis of textiles in . editing the papers in the thematic section on the lower Osmore drainage of southern Peru Inca Studies. I also thank Doris Kurella for is concerned with the archaeologicalrecogni- German proofreading. tion and differentiationof ethnic groups. In In closing, I would also like to recogthis valley, just inland from the port of Ilo, two archaeologicalcultures(Ilo-Tumilaca/Ca- nize, with gratitude, the tremendous efforts buza and Chiribaya)co-existedfor about 300 made by our reviewers, authors, Editorial years early in the Late Intermediate Period. Advisory Board, and above all my fellow Boytner's examinationof textiles assigned to editor Monica Barnes. Together with the the two cultures suggestsa commonhighland continued support of the Cornell University origin for both, but also supportsthe infeJ:ence Latin American Studies Program, it is the made from other data sources that the two hard work and collaborativespirit of all these were distinct groups while co-residentin the people that makeAndean Past possible. lower Osmore valley. Daniel H. Sandweiss In a fine example of Andean ethno- Universityof Maine archaeology,SergioChavezprovidesa wealth 23 October 1998 of informationon the constructiontechnology and function of corbel-vaultedstructures and on modem settlementpatterns in the Peruvian altiplanonear Lake Titicaca. He identifiesthe environmental, material, technological, and social correlates of these building types. Chavezthen appliesthe results of his studyto the historic and late prehistoric record of the region, with special attention to the significance of dispersed v. nucleated settlements. Although sod structures (with one possible exception) have not been identified archaeologicallyin the altiplano,Chavezbelievesthat they are very likely quite ancient. Based on his ethnoarchaeologicalresearch, he provides several indirect archaeological criteria that may signal the use of such buildings. As expected for an active institution, Andean Past has seen some changessince our

HEIDY FOGEL, 1956-1994

Richard L. Burger Yale University

tained while a graduate student barely seemed' to slow her down. Heidy had an intense passion for life, which she expressed through her art, dancing, knitting, and unique style of dress. I always thought of Heidy as a force of riature--unpredictable and unstoppable.

When Heidy Fogel died on November 11, 1994 at the age of only 38, Andean archaeology lost its leading authority on the Gallinazo culture. I first met Heidy in 1983 when she came to New Haven to inquire about Yale's M.A. Program in Archaeological Studies. Fresh from her work as staff artist and crew member of the Proyecto Chimu Sur in Casma, she was full of excitement and enthusiasm about Peruvian archaeology both as a quest for scientific knowledge and as a social field teeming with wonderfully eccentric personalities. During her short interview, she filled my office with energy and anecdotes, and her departure left a strange calm, like the one that descends over a devastated landscape following a cyclone. Heidy never lost her astonishing vitality, her love of the field, or her engagement with the people who constitute it. Even the two head-on autoniobile collisions that she sus-

ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998):1-3.

Heidy was born in Boston, but spent most of her childhood and teenage years in suburban Newton, Massachusetts. Although she rarely spoke of it, her parents were Holocaust survivors, her mother having been interned in Auschwitz and her father having spent the war in a series of Nazi death camps. Throughout her life, she remained unusually close to her parents at).d two brothers, and continued to maintain tight friendships with her high school classmates. Heidy had natural artistic talent and she honed her skills as a scientific illustrator at the Rhode Island School of Design, from which she received a B.F.A. in 1978. For much of her adult life she thought of herself as an artist, rather than a scholar, and her drafting skills served her well in her own research, as well as being an important source of support during her graduate studies. Shortly after graduating from RISD, Heidy began to pursue her long-standing interest in archaeology by working as an archaeological illustrator and exhibits assistant at the Grosvenor Museum in Chester, England and then as a crew chief for an archaeological survey in Israel, sponsored by the Rockefeller and Israel Museums. While supporting herself as a technical artist in Boston, Heidy continued her involvement in archaeology, drawing upon the resources of a neighboring institution of higher learning, Harvard University. In the summer of 1979 she joined Harvard's Mount Jasper Project and helped supervise the survey and mapping of a quarry site in northern New Hampshire; the following year she went to work as an archaeological illustrator at the Harvard Peabody Museum's Institute for Conservation Archaeology.

ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) As a Harvard employee, she began taking classes in 1981 as a Special Graduate Student, including a course on Peruvian archaeology that had a great impact on her. Taught by Gordon Willey, this course caught Heidy's imagination. Professor Willey remained a source of inspiration and counsel for Heidy throughout her life, and his friendship served to link her directly to the Vim Valley Project. Through Heidy's Harvard connection and her contact with Harvard faculty such as Geoffrey Conrad and Garth Bawden, she became aware of the intense excitement being generated by the large projects on Peru's north coast that involved students and faculty from Harvard, as well as many other universities. This led naturally to her departure early in 1982 to spend four months in Casma working on the investigations of Carol Mackey and Ulana Klymyshn at Chimu administrative centers in the Casma Valley. In 1983 Heidy began the M.A. program in archaeology at Yale; although I served as her primary advisor, she also worked closely with Mike Coe and Frank Hole. From her arrival at Yale until her departUre in 1988, she was closely associated with the Division of Anthropology at the Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History. She took on myriad tasks there with her characteristic energy and enthusiasm. She helped catalogue collections, supervised undergraduate assistants and volunteers, and prepared text for and assisted in the preparation of exhibits. In one unforgettable affair, she was suddenly whisked off to Pittsburgh by the FBI to identify property that had been stolen from the Museum. Heidy helped the FBI to crack the thiers artifact coding system and to discover that he had robbed five other prominent museums in addition to ours. The focus of Heidy's own original research gravitated to one of the Yale Peabody's most important Andean archaeological collections-the pottery recovered by Wendell Bennett during his excavations in the Vim Valley. Although Bennett had published some of these materials in his usual prompt and efficient manner, he had only scratched the surface of the collection's potential and Heidy decided to

-2 make the substantial sample of Gallinazo ceramics the subject of her master's thesis. She utilized the stratigraphic information recorded by Bennett as the framework for reanalyzing this pottery, concentrating on forms and their association with decorative patterns rather than using the type-variety method employed by the Vim Valley Project. Her master's' thesis entitled "The Gallinazo Occupation of the Vim Valley, Peru" provided a lucid and well-illustrated three-phase ceramic chronology for the Gallinazo culture that was anchored in well-defined stratigraphic relationships. Unlike Bennett's ceramic chronology, Heidy's sequence could be used to date the full range of elaborate and utilitarian vessels, even those found individually in graves or in small samples on site sUrfaces. This chronological control made it possible for her to trace the changing pattern of settlement in Vim during Gallinazo times and this in turn led to numerous questions about Gallinazo socioeconomic and 'political structure beyond the Vim Valley. On the basis of her success in the archaeology program, she was admitted to the doctoral program in Anthropology at Yale, and she completed her coursework and comprehensive exams in 1987. In 1985 and 1987, she returned with support from the Williams Fund, Sigma Xi, the Hazard Fund, and several Joseph Albers' Traveling Fellowships to Peru's north coast to visit the sites described by Bennett, Willey, and the other members of the Vim Valley Project. Finally, in 1990 she was awarded a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship to spend the year in the Trujillo area re-surveying the Gallinazo sites in Vim and comparing her observations from this valley with sites and materials from neighboring valleys on the north coast. The sequence she had developed allowed her to date the rise of the Gallinazo culture in Vim and the subsequent expansion of Gallinazo traits into the adjacent drainages. Heidy was convinced by her research that she was observing the rise of Peru's first multivalley state and that the Gallinazo Site constituted the large urban capital of this polity. She was also able to use her 1987 restudy of the Vim Valley Project Gallinazo gravelots in the collection of the American

3Museum of Natural History to confirm independently her sequence and to add a new dimension to her reconstruction of Gallinazo socioeconomic organization. In her doctoral dissertation Settlements. in Time: A Study of Social and Political Development During the Gallinazo Occupation of the North Coast of Peru, presented in 1993, Heidy convincingly argues that it was the Gallinazo rather than the Moche culture that pioneered large-scale statecraft on the north coast, and that it was only with the collapse of the Gallinazo state centered in Vim that the focus of power . shifted to the Moche Valley at the beginning of Moche III. Support for her argument came from the redating of Gallinazo sites in Vim, Moche and Santa and the study of changing Gallinazo settlement patterns in each of these . valleys. Glimpses of Heidy's insights were offered at numerous conferences and her ideas helped to spark the renewed interest in the Galliriazo culture that has been evident since the mid1980s. Unfortunately, .she did not publish her findings and her master's and doctoral theses remain unknown to most scholars. She did prepare sections on the Gallinazo Culture (vol. 3, p. 9) and the Gallinazo Group Site (vol. 3, pp. 9-10) for the Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture (Charles Scribner and Sons, 1996) and was in the process of finishing an article on the chronology and political organization of the Gallinazo Culture for Latin American Antiquity at the time of her illness. After completing her dissertation, Heidy moved to Washington to be with her husband, Hal VanGieson, an economist she met at Yale while both were graduate students. She took a job as a Senior Archaeologist at Engineering Science, a private firm involved in culture resource management in the U.S. and Latin America. While there, Heidy became engaged in project management, data analysis, and the computer mapping of both prehistoric and historic sites. She wanted to fmd a position at a museum or in academia, but her sudden illness cut short these hopes. In February of 1994, it was discovered that Heidy had an advanced form of cancer. At the time, she was

Burger: Heidy Fogel four months pregnant. Without regard to her own safety, she delayed chemotherapy until after the baby was born. Despite the increasing severity of her illness, Heidy remained optimistic to the end that one day she would be able to return to the work and people she, loved so much. On May 26, 1994 she delivered a healthy baby girl, Julia Rose Van Gieson. In the months following the birth of her daughter, Heidy's health deteriorated rapidly. She died in the same dramatic and powerful way that she lived. Those of us who had the opportunity and privilege of knowing Heidy will never forget the experience. It remains my hope that her lasting contribution to Andean archaeology will be assured by the future publication of her dissertation, so that the enormous efforts she made during her short career can serve as a sound basis for the continued growth of our understanding of the Gallinazo culture and society. Acknowledgments In preparing the above obituary, I have drawn upon materials provided to me by Heidi's husband, Hal VanGieson, and her friend, Sue Benaron.

DANIEL WOLFMAN, 1939-1994 Izumi Shimada Southern Illinois University

On November 25, 1994, Daniel Wolfman died unexpectedly of heart failure in Santa Fe, New Mexico at the age of 55. Dan was at the forefront of archaeomagnetic research in the U.S. and for the past two decades was the principal "mover and shaker" in establishing master curves for Mesoamerica and Peru. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998):5-8.

His name and bushy, mottled beard may stir up a certain image, but we knew Dan as a congenial, tireless worker in the field, always eager to collect new archaeomagnetic samples. He devoted much of his professional career to establishing master archaeomagnetic curves for various regions in the New World and a

ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) self-supporting, state-of-the-art laboratory of his own at the Museum of New Mexico, Office of Archaeological Studies in Santa Fe (1988-1994). His methodology and results have been described in a series of important articles (Wolfman n.d., 1984, 1990a; 1990b; Wolfman and Dodson 1998). He loved Latin America, its archaeology, people, and food, and he projected a return trip to Peru in the near future. Dan was born in New York City on February 8, 1939, and received a B.A. with Distinction in Mathematics from the University of Rochester in 1959. His undergraduate education in science would provide a strong basis for his research in archaeomagnetism and archaeometry in general. His interest in archaeology was triggered in 195960 while at the University of Chicago pursuing mathematics as a Woodrow Wilson Fellow. In 1960, with the support of an NSF Summer Training Fellowship, Dan attended field school in Oaxaca directed by John Paddock of Mexico City College. He gained additional archaeological field experience as an assistant in the Wetherill Mesa Project at Mesa Verde and in the Navajo Dam Project, both in 1961. D~ began his graduate training at the University of Colorado in Feburary, 1962, and received his M.A. in anthropology in 1963. He was employed as the Field Director of the Picuris Archaeological Project (1962-1966) in New Mexico, sponsored by the Fort Burgwin Research Centers in Taos, and taught as an assistant professor of anthropology at the University of the Americas in Mexico from 1966 to 1968. He returned to the U.S. and in 1969 worked as an archaeologist for the Nevada Archaeological Survey. It was during 1968-1973, when he worked under Robert L. DuBois as a Research Associate at the University of Oklahoma Archaeomagnetism Laboratory, that Dan decided to dedicate himself to archaeomagnetic dating and the attendant slow process of establishing master sequences in various regions of the New World. It was an opportune moment for Dan because the technique of archaeomagnetic dating was

-6 increasingly recognized in archaeology as an important complement to the rapidly burgeoning radiocarbon dating technique. Recent improvements in computers made processing and publication of data quite manageable. DuBois and Dan collaborated in presenting and publishing a series of joint

papers on archaeomagneticdating of Latin ' American materials. In 1973, Dan presented his doctoral thesis entitled A Re-Evaluation of Mesoamerican Chronology: A.D. 1-1200. This study effectively demonstrated the value of archaeomagnetic dating. Dan was firmly convinced of the value of archaeomagnetic dating as a reliable and reasonably inexpensive technique for both relative and absolute dating. This technique requires independent calibration, commonly with .radiocarbon dating, for the establishment of a regional master curve. However, once the curve is constructed, it can serve to evaluate the relative merits of conflicting radiocarbon dates. That its samples derive from baked features that are highly durable and closely linked to specific human activities increases its value to the field of archaeology. At the same time, recognizing that his primary research goal of establishing archaeomagnetic curves in Latin America could not be accomplished without the awareness and collaboration of archaeological colleagues, Dan quizzed us tirelessly at professional meetings to keep abreast of current and future field work that might provide archaeomagnetic samples. With many colleagues single-mindedly focused on collection of radiocarbon samples and diagnostic ceramics, Dan worked hard to make them aware of archaeomagnetic samples and dating. In Peru, for example, he eagerly gave talks to interested archaeologists illuminating the virtues of archaeomagnetic dating, and trained several American and Peruvian students (e.g., Alvaro Higueras and Glenn Russell) to collect samples. In 1986, he received a travel grant to Peru from the United States Information Agency, Academic Specialist Program to conduct seminars on archaeomagnetic dating techniques and train local archaeologists for sample collection. This effort was preceded

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and followed by similar trips to Guatemala and Mexico in 1985 and 1987, respectively. Because of its numerous sites with wellpreserved adobe, quincha (wattle and daub) and other clay-bearing constructions and floor features, and long occupation spans, Dan recognized the great archaeomagnetic potential of coastal Peru. Most important in the effort to establish the master archaeomagnetic curve for Peru was Dan's collaboration with R. E. Dodson, then geochronologist at the Rock Magnetism Laboratory, University of California at Santa Barbara. Supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation in 1982-83, Wolfman and Dodson collected samples from archaeological sites on the coast and in the highlands. During this time, 134 samples were collected at 37 sites, with 22 sites on the North Coast contributing 102 samples. This work provided the basis for an archaeomagnetic curve spanning ca. A.D. 6501500 presented in their important reference work (Wolfman and Dodson 1998). Members of the Sican Archaeological Project have fond memories of Dan extolling the virtues of archaeomagnetic datinR while working against the clock to collect 24 samples at the site of Huaca del Pueblo Batao Grande. The site has a "textbook stratigraphy" (ca. A.D. 500 to the present) "with at least 42 occupational floors, many associated with well-preserved hearths, arsenical bronze smelters, and other bumt clay features suited for archaeomagnetic dating. During their various stays with us in Batan Grande, Dan and Rich surprised us with welcome gifts of beef tenderloin brought in from the nearby city of Chiclayo. Their congeniality and comments reflecting their broad scientific and archaeometric experience enriched our otherwise routine field work. Dan returned to Batan Grande in 1989 to collect additional samples from superimposed ceramic kilns in Poma Canal that would push back the archaeomagnetic curve to ca. 1000 B.C. (Wolfman et al. n.d.). Though Dan was best known to us as an archaeomagnetic specialist, his interests and expertise covered many dating techniques. He was an energetic promoter of the integration of archaeometry in archaeological research,

Shimada: Wolfinan both in and out of field. From the 1980s to the time of his death, he served as a member of the Executive Committee of the Society for Archaeological Sciences, Advisory Committee of the Southern Methodist University Radiocarbon Laboratory (then directed by Herbert Haas), and the National Science Foundation Advisory Council for Archaeometric Technology. His untimely' death was a great loss not only to the nascent field of archaeomagnetic dating in Latin America, but also to broader archaeometry and archaeology. Dan's proudest achievement and long-time dream came true in 1993 when the Archaeomagnetic Dating Laboratory under his direction opened its doors at the Museum of New Mexico in Santa Fe. Being able to live in scenic Santa Fe was the icing on the cake. For .many years he struggled on a shoe-string budget to keep his archaeomagnetic research going while teaching at Arkansas Technical University (Assistant Professor of Anthropology, 1973-80; Associate Professor, 198085; Professor, 1985-1988) and at the University of Arkansas (Assistant Professor of Anthropology, 1973-79; Associate Professor, 1979-85; Professor, 1985-1988). At the time of his death, he and his assistant, J. Royce Cox, were busy processing samples to refine and extend the archaeomagnetic curves for Peru, Mesoamerica, and the U$. Southwest. Clearly, Dan left his long-lasting imprint on American archaeology in his sustained commitment to improve dating techniques, particularly archaeomagentic dating, and better integrate archaeometry in our research in and out of field (see also the obituaries by Schaafsma and Schaafsma [1996], with a complete Wolfman bibliography, and by Sternberg [1996]). The Archaeomagnetic Dating Laboratory in Santa Fe is his most noteworthy legacy and Dan's long-term effort to establish the master archaeomagnetic curve for Peru will be carried on by J. R. Cox. It is an effort that both Andeans and Andeanists should continue to support.

ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) References Cited Schaafsma, Polly and Curtis Schaafsma 1996 Daniel Wolfman 1939-1994. American Antiquity 61(2):291-194. Sternberg, Rob 1996 Daniel Wolfman: 1939-1994. SAS Bulletin 19(3/4). Wolfman, Daniel n.d. A Re-Evaluation of Mesoamerican Chronology: A.D. 1-1200. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis. Department of Anthropology, University of Colorado. 1973. 1984 Geomagnetic Dating Methods in Archaeology. In Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 7, edited by M. B. Schiffer, pp. 363458. New York: Academic Press. 1990a Mesoamerican Chronology and Archaeomagnetic Dating, A.D. 1-1200. In Archaeomagnetic Dating, edited by 1. L. Eighmy and R. S. Sternberg, pp. 237-260. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. . 1990b Retrospect and Prospect. In Archaeomagnetic Dating, edited by 1. L. Eighmy and R. S. Sternberg, pp. 313-364. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. . Wolfman, Daniel and Richard E. Dodson 1996 Archaeomagentic Results trom Peru: A.D. 700-1500. Andean Past. 5: ?-? Wolfman, Daniel, Ricliard. E. Dodson, and J. Royce Cox n.d. Refinement and Extension of the Archaeomagnetic Curve for Peru. Manuscript in preparation. .

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THE INCA COMPOUND AT LA CENTINELA, CHINCHA Dwight T. Wallace SUNY-Albany Introduction La Centinela is a large site at the northwest edge of the floor of the Chincha Valley, Peru, very near the ocean and the bluffs that separate the fully utilized flood plain from the higher pampa (Figure 1). The Chincha Valley floor is a triangular, delta-like flood plain, roughly 25 km on a side, of very rich and easily irrigated farmland. The western and southern edges of the area on the bluffs did have additional human settlement in pre-historic times, and this area has a very extensive and dense population today. La Ceptinela dates from the Late Intermediate Period, A.D. 12501470, through the Inca-dominated Late Horizon, from A.D. 1470 until the Spanish Conquest in A.D. 1532. . Working at L~ Centinela in 1900, Max Uhle reported the many building units that formed the extensive ruins (see Uhle 1924: plates 2-5). The site (Figure 2) is dominated by a pyramid at least 18 m high set on a platform approximately 12 m high that forms a terrace at the foot of the steep southern side of the pyramid. The Inca later constructed administrative buildings in front of the southern terrace (Figures 2 and 3) and also across the terrace itself, many using the distinctive Imperial Cusco architectural style; From this focal location a set of five straight roads radiated out across the valley floor, the two outer roads having alignments very close to true east and south (Figure 1). One diagonal road crosses the entire valley floor and continues straight across the pampa to the Pisco Valley, where it meets a road up-valley to the highlands and another that continues south to the Ica Valley (Wallace 1991; map adapted by Hyslop 1984: figure 21.4). These physical features indicate the prehistoric socio-cultural importance of the site, an importance which is further reflected by the fact that it was the largest ceremonial structure ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998):9-33.

south or east of the famous central coast temple of Pachacamac during the late prehispanic periods. The obviously symbolic layout of the road system and its focus on the main pyramid fit the known function of La Centinela as the pilgrimage center for a famous oracle, serving all areas -- coast and highlands -- to the south and east. It was considered a "daughter" of the even more famous Pachacamac oracular center (Menzel and Rowe 1966; Patterson 1985). The Chincha oracle was established before the arrival of the Inca and continued in use through the period of Inca control. There is also documentary evidence of specialized Chincha merchants maintaining a very farflung trade network (Rostworowski 1970, 1977; Morris 1988; Wallace 1978a, 1978b), giving an economic facet to La Centinela's pre-Inca function as the center of the powerful Chincha socio-political unit. This economic role would also explain why the Inca developed La Centinela as their major political administrative center for the south central coast (but cf Sandweiss 1992:10). Inca use of rectangular adobes identifies their architecture in Chincha, because only tapia, or puddled adobe, was employed before. The main Inca construction area on the southern platform or terrace is shown on the plan in Figure 3. The set of buildings constructed by the Inca during the period they controlled Chincha includes a large rectangular ground level plaza in front of this southern platform, centered on the pyramid (facing the lower right comer of Figure 2). The full layout (see Santillana 1984: figure 1) also included a small set of compounds built directly on the east side of the main platform, just to the right of the plan, but at a somewhat lower platform level. In front of this eastern group is a construction wing that matches the one shown on the lower left of the present plan (Figure 3, see also Figure 2, lower center). There are also additional buildings

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ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998)

around the ground level plaza, a few of which show at the lower right in Figure 3. Rectangular adobes that are visible near the top of the main pyramid, on top of puddled adobe walls, show that some modifications or repairs to the earlier construction were also made during the Inca occupation. The result was probably a new southern front to the main pyramid itself, the focal point of the entire complex. As could be expected for Incadirected construction, the result was a very orderly, well balanced, and visually impressive religious and administrative center, although it should be noted that neither high pyramidal building bases nor pyramids were common Inca architectural features. Most of the observations here concern the compound with the central set of raised rooms (Figure 3: Compound C; Figure 4) that is at the southwest corner of the large southern terrace, already noted as part pf the Inca construction on the terrace. Uhle considered this "palace" a focal structure, and Santillana (1984:19) gives a .cogent argument for the relative importance of this area and its associated courtyard (Figure 3: Courtyard B) and entrance plaza (A). To preview the construction, a set of rooins (Figure 4: Area 6) raised to second story height by a solid basal terrace is a dominant feature of the compound, a view of which can be seen in the photo taken in 1900 by Uhle (1924: plate 4), included here as Figure 5. (Uhle's photo can be compared with my own 1957 photo in Figure 6, showing that hardly anything had been moved in 57 years!) In Figure 7, the reconstruction based on these photos, the tall-niche gallery wall (Figure 4: Area 3) at the east side of the raised room block can be clearly seen. One niche is actually a door that opens into some small rooms (Figure 4: Area 4) against the base of the raised room block. Various double jamb doors and a rare geometric painted mural in one room emphasize the importance of this central warren of raised rooms. An eastern, or frpnt door into the upper room block has access from the niche gallery by a roundabout way up a stairway and along a ledge.

The back or western end of the compound is taken up mainly by an apparently open area that will be referred to as a veranda (Figure 4: Area 10), from which there is a magnificent view of the beach and ocean (see also the reconstruction drawing in Figure 8). The veranda has a sub-floor water cistern and drain,

and there are small rooms on both the north ' and south ends of the veranda; the niches and double jamb entries mark these rooms as more than minor storage areas, and one small southern room (Figure 4: Area 9) has steps down into a tank with a drain, undoubtedly to be used for bathing. Uhle (1924:78) traced both drains to outlets outside the compound. There is also a back or western entrance (Figure 4: Area 7) to the raised room block off the veranda, reached by a stairway starting at the entrance to the southern rooms (Figure 4: Area 8). The corridor entrance to the veranda (Figure 4: Area 2) and the two relatively large northern rooms or enclosures (Figure 4: Areas 1, 12) complete the spages in the main compound. Apparently all interior and exterior wall surfaces were painted white over a fine clay plaster surface. Inca and Pre-Inca Wall Art At least two decorated walls are known at the site, one associated ,with the pyramid looming high above the terrace with its Inca construction, the other in the main Inca compound just discussed. Their contrasting decorative techniques and building associations emphasize the contrast between the local preInca source of the Centinela complex and the distinct Inca-style construction and art in the extensively remodeled sector where the Inca established their administrative center. At some unknown date between Uhle's visit in 1900 and the 1957 survey, a small room on the west side and near the top of the main pyramid had been cleared, revealing a 3dimensional frieze (Figure 9) on the inside of the outer walL The frieze is pIano-relief, that is, the flat face has been cut to a fixed depth (about 5 cm), giving only two surfaces: the foreground design and the excised background. One section retained a height of nearly 2 m, the original full height judging

Wallace: La Centinela

11from the nature of the design. The erosion of the wall into very large blocks makes it clear that it was tapia-constructed, as are all Late Intermediate Period buildings in the Chincha Valley. Tapia consists of adobe (prepared mud) that was either poured directly into forms, much like modem concrete, or was mixed and packed in place between the forms, like modem tamped earth. Each pouring cre~ ated a fairly large rectangular block. The process was then repeated on top of and/or at the side of the previous blocks until the desired height and width were reached. The process left joints that tend to erode so that the size of each block is quite evident. From appearances, the adobe forming the design is firmly attached to the wall, so that it might have been created during the molding of the wall itself. However, it seems more likely that the design was cut into the still plastic surface, was hand modeled by adding clay to the damp surface, or was produced by applying pieces or sections that had been formed in molds.

(Pillsbury 1993). The piano-relief technique, the diagonal layout, and the use of many geometric and simple animal elements can also be found in the north coast decoration. The similarities could be due to convergences in design and technique of rendering,' because many of the styles in the Central Andes of this later period did consist of uncomplicated and/or geometric designs, often incorporating' images of animals or animal heads, especially simple bird heads. Actually, the pIano-relief type of adobe sculpture is somewhat more limited than might be expected, given that adobe was used in coastal architecture for several millennia. In any case, the recent ethnohistorical evidence for direct trade ties be-' tween Chincha and the north coast (Rostworowski 1970, 1977; Morris 1988; Pillsbury 1996; Sandweiss 1992; Wallace 1978a, 1978b, 1991) suggests the possibility of historical connections between the decorative art of the two areas; an important subject for future research.

The elements in the design on the wall"are similar to ones found on local textiles, including the scrolled fret in curvilinear fomi (O'Neale and Kroeber 1930: plates 37, 40) and also in squared form (ibid.: plate 43c), the diamond-shaped ray-like figure with eyes and what looks like a V-shaped mouth (ibid.: plate 43c) and the fret of bird heads of the same date and provenience (ibid.: plates 32, 42a). The general diagonal and diamond-shaped lay01,ltis found on textiles, pottery, and basketry, so that the motifs of the wall frieze are well-established as south' coast designs of the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon.

In contrast to the local style of pIano-relief adobe friezes and their Chincha style designs, both unknown in strictly Inca style structures, there is a painted wall in at least one room of the raised room block ("murals" in Figures 3, 4); it is attributable to the Inca, both in context and design style. The design (Figure 10; see also Bonavia 1985: figures 113, 114) is strictly an angular geometric one that fits the largely geometric decoration found on Incastyle textiles and ceramics. Inca mural painting is virtually unknown due to the poor preservation of most wall surfaces in Inca buildings, especially in the highlands. Therefore, the unique Centinela example takes on added importance. Painted murals have a long preInca history on the coast. Best known are elaborate examples associated with the north coast Moche culture of the Early Intermediate Period (see Bonavia 1985).

Scraps of shaped adobe from what were probably similar pIano-relief friezes were found at two other late sites (PV57-20, PV5797) and an entire frieze has been uncovered more recently at Litardo Bajo (PV57-80) during the continuing work in Chincha in conjunction with that directed by Craig Morris (1988). Interestingly enough, adobe sculpture of this type and date has not yet been found elsewhere on the south coast (or, to my knowledge, the central coast), but it is well known and abundant on the north coast, especially at the Chimu capital of Chan Chan

.

A feature of both murals that is important in a closer consideration of their function is that both occur in locations not readily accessible from any truly public exterior space. Rather, both are in places seemingly designed to provide privacy from general viewing. The rooms or spaces in which they occur are them-

ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998)

selves limited in size, more appropriate for only a few viewers at a time. Both can therefore be considered as elite art. These areas are not directly associated with any archaeological features of more specific function other than a general religious and administrative nature, and neither the design content nor imagery of either mural suggests any symbolism beyond that of a decorative nature. On the other hand, Inca geometric motifs, on textiles in particular, are known to have had associations with specific elite Inca kin units and, in some cases at least for the Inca emperor, specific rituals. As murals, such art was apparently not very common, so its mere occurrence could have provided an aura of elitism and authority. Hiding Architectural Disorder? During the 1957 survey of' Chincha, I made a. plan of the Inca construction on the platform on the south side of the pyramid proper (Figure 3; also adapted by Hyslop 1984: figure 7.10). To start the plan, both wall lengths and c