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National Library of Canada

Bibliothlque nationale duCanapa

Canadian Theses Service

Service des theses canadiennes

Ottawa, Canada K1A0N4

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Other Abbreviations BAE Bk. B.PSM ca. chap. d if. f. m. MME Ms P(P). pi. pt. RISM Avol.

BIBLIOTECA DE AUTORES ESPANOLES . book(s) BARCELONA, BIBLIOTECA DE CATALUNYA ( .i.e ., BIBLIOTECA CENTRAL), PUBLICACTONES DE LA SECCION DE MUSICA circa ■ chapter(s) - f "diferencia(s)" folio(s) measure(s) MONUMENTOS DE LA MUSICA ESPANOLA manuscript . • ^ page(s) plate(s) part(s) REPERTOIRE INTERNATIONAL DES'SOURCES MUSICALES volume(s) . a

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D-niiinbers and-P-numbers refeV to the pieces listed below in pt. VI in Charts 40 and 41 respectively. Triads are symbolized by Roman numerals. Upper-case numerals (I^represent major triads, while lower case numerals ( i ) represent minor triads. In each chapter (1-13) and in pt. IV, once a work has been cited in complete form, i t is abbreviated in subsequent citations. For a published source the shortened form usually consists of the author's surname followed by the date of publication in parentheses. For a manuscript source the shortened form usually consists of the depository and shelf number. In pt. V I, even the f i r s t reference to a work is abbreviated in this manner. -. \ N In quotations fifom the primary sources i have retained the original spelling and punctuation. In the interests of in t e llig ib ilit y , however, I have altered the capitalization of letters and the use of accents to accord with modern conventions. Furthermore I have written, out in fu ll a ll abbreviations. These appear witho11t\editorial square brackets, except in title s of collections and individual, pieces. In my translations I have attemptedjto^renderj the"meaning of the original as. clearly as possible. To thisy^d FTTave-'not. hesitated to sim plify'the syntax or to replace pronounfs w ith-their antecedents. Owing to practical considerations I have not provided translations for a ll the quoted passages. In many instances I have decided that a, brief paraphrase would suffice for the argument at hand. In other instances I was unable to produce a satisfactory translation. In a ll such cases, the relevance of the quotation is explained in the body of th e.text.

I have included a large amount of documentation for several reasons. F irs t, terminological considerations are of paramount ■importance in this study. Second,N:he quotations come from a wide variety of sources, many of whieh are*not readily accessible. Finally, I hope that the presentation’ of this primary material w ill fa c ilita te future research.

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PART I.

THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT

1

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-1.

DANCE AND VARIATION '

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Dance and instrumental variation'are intim ately related ■ .phenomena which ‘were prominent features .of Spanish culture during the ;•

17th and early 18th centuries. sacred fe s tiv itie s .

Dancing pervaded .secular as.well as

J t was ‘cultivated in the. paTaces by the

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aristocracy, on stage by professionals, in the churches by choirboys, ; / and in the streets by-the lower .classes.

Instrumental variations'

, - .permeated the ac tiv itie s pf,many professional and amateur musicians. The relativelysm all number of extant musical settings does not ' adequately reflect the important role played by variation. -Owing to the popular nature of the dance repertory and the improvisational nature of variation techniques, much of the music was never written down.

Thus,

in the second half of the 17th century, Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) f e lt obifgedvto ju s tify his instrumental treatise as follows: On seeing the principles of this book, the judicious • - . reader (especially i f he has some knowledge of music theory, instruments," and tablature) w ill say that'this author was unproductive; inasmuch as he set about Writing things which are so common that even the children in Madrid and other places understand and practise, them, and that also there'are ■ ’ "maestros" who teach these things. To this charge, several " ' responses are given. F irst, the world is large, and what is present in Madrid is not present everywhere,: This author knows by experience (because-he has s^eri different kingdoms and remote overseas provinces);that elsewhere they do not know or practise the said tablature or any other ciphers; because, although they play instruments and sing, they do so . only from memory, except for a few persons who know mensural musical notation.

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In the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol (ca. -1754) repeats the§e remarks almost verbatim fn his own,instrumental publication.^ . ‘

' The present study examines the instrumejrtal—dapce pieces and^

secular, variation sets.

I would mention here that variation procedures

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were also employed in sacred instrumental music.

The keyboard sources

preserve a few. "fabordones glosados" and variation settings of hymns such as "Pange lingua".

Furthermore some church instrumentalists

habitually elaborated th e ir parts in performance by adding melodic diminutions ("glosas"). ■In 1586 Francis-co Guerrero, the chapel-master - at Seville Cathedral, rebuked his wind players for producing "absurdities" and "insufferable dissonances" by th e ir incessant uncoordinated glossing.

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Guerrero attempted to regulate the ensemble by.

prohibiting simultaneous diminutions.

He ordered that when one player

chose to gloss his part, a ll the other-players were to leave him an open fie ld and play their own parts as notated.^ This study rests on the close historical relationship between - ‘

instrumental variation and dance.

The use of instrumental music, to

accompany dancing and singing was an important stimulus for the *-

development of variation techniques.

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Instrumentalists faced the

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challenge of producing music of sufficien tly long, but variable, .

duration to accommodate the needs and desires of dancers on different occasions. and prosaic.

Literal repetition was one possibility, but i t was tedious Variation provided a solution which was more interesting

and imaginative. Th Spain the strong links between variation and dance are revealed by the existence of terms^common to both fields.

For example,

the names of particular dance-types often refer to the instrumental music and the choreography.

"Diferencia" is another word which

possesses a specialized meaning.in each "field.

In 1732 the Real

Academia.Espanola defines it-as follows:

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DIFERENCIAS. In pieces of instrumental music this is the name given to the differen t ways of playing one and the same piece. Also, in dances of the Spanish school, i t is the name given to the variety of movements which are applied at d ifferent times to one and the same piece....

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"Diferencia" f ir s t appears with the meaning of variation statement in . the vihuela book by Narviez (1538).^

Thereafter i t is the word most

frequently use^in the Spanish instrumental sources to .re fe r to ♦

variations.

Synonyms appear in only a few instances.

Mudarra (1546)

employs the term "manera" instead of "diferencia" in his vihuela book.

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Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) does call most of his guitar and harp variations "diferencias".

However, for triple-m eter variations of duple-meter

schemes Ruiz substitutes the terms "baylete" or "buelta"7

These two

words are additional examples of the terminology shared by variation and dance. ."Baylete" is a diminutive of "bayle", a generic name for dances. "Buelta" in choreography designates a leaping revolution.®

Furthermore

the term "buelta" may be related to "volta" (or "volte"), a courtly couple dance which was used outside of Spain in western Europe around 1600.

The music of the "volta" was in, trip le meter.

Its choreography

featured many turns, with the man,hoisting the lady up in the a ir.^ Throughout the 17th and early 18th centuries most of the "diferencias" in the instrumental sources are based on harmonic-metric schemes.

Spanish theorists of the period do not deal with this type of

variation.

Instead they discuss older variation procedures.

Thus

Lorente (1672) employs the word "diferencia" to denote a d ifferen t set of contrapuntal voices added to a given theme, be the subject a phrase in plainsong ("canto llano") or in mensural rhythm ("canto de drgano").10

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I t is not until the 18th century that "diferencia" assumes a specialized meaning in the fie ld of dancing.

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Both Ferriol y Boxeraus

(1745) and Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) use "diferencia" to refe r to the

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choreographic figures performed by groups of dancers, especially 1n the'. ^ "contrkdanza".11 By contrast, the term normally employed for; any • ' * ■ * unified sequence o f dance-steps is "mudanza".

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I t f i r s t appears with

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this meaning in a Spanish choreographic source im the late 16th century.18

In subsequent dance treatises.through'to the 19th century,

"mudanza" continues to designate "a combination of steps which, shifting from one to another, form a whole."1^ The term "mudanza" does not appear in Castilian instrumental, sources.

Nevertheless the term "mudansa" is found as a label of .musical

sections in a Catalan collectton of dance melodies from the 18th century (E Be M. 1452).

Sim ilarly in Ita ly the. equivalent term "mutanza". also

migrated to the fie ld of instrumental music.

Ita lia n dancing masters

such as Caroso (1581), Lupi da Carravagio (1600), and Negri (1602) employ "mutanza" for dance-step sequences.15

In Ita lia n instrumental

music of the 17th century the usual terms fo r variation statements are "partita", "parte", "modo" and, by the last decades of the century, "variatione".

Nevertheless at least three Ita lia n publications use the

term "mutanza" instead. with Spain.

Furthermore a ll three books have some association

The f ir s t is a keyboard collection by Valente (1576) which

was published in the Spanish kingdom of Naples.15 The second is a Spanish guitar collection by M illio n i {1627).^

The th ird is a string

collection by the Neopolitan composer Mazzella (1689).18

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The present study is concerned with instrumental variations and /

dancing.

For the former I have investigated the musical sources and

treatises.

For the la tte r I have examined the choreographic treatises,

archival contracts, descriptive accounts, prohibitions, fflays, and poems Given the closd .relationship between instrumental variation and dance, '

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the findings in one area should serve to enhance an understanding of the other.

The study concludes with an inventory and transcription of the

extant instrumental dance pieces and variation sets.

There are three

important reasons for presenting copious transcriptions.

F irst, despite

the wide speculation and discussion concerning particular dance-types, most of the Spanish music has never been transcribed.

Second, the

original notation in numerous settings is incomplete, incorrect, or unclear in meaning.

In many instances the only way to reconstruct the

troublesome pieces is to u tiliz e other settings of the same dance-type where the notation is more precise.

This approach rests on the

h isto rically probable assumption that-most settings of a particular dance-type employ the same or sim ilar harmonic-metric scheme drawn from the popular domain.

By postulating that the schemes were well-known and

re la tiv e ly stable, one can understand how musicians could notate dances and variation sets in a sketchy fashion, and yet be confident that players of the period would be able to interpret the pieces correctly. The th ird 1reason fo r the transcriptions is- that Spanish theorists of the 17th and early 18th centuries devote l i t t l e attention -to the prevailing variation techniques and new procedures in the organization of pitch and rhythm.

I t is the music it s e lf that best illu s tra te s these features.

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Notes to Chapter One 1.

"D iri el discireto lector al ver los principios de este lib ro (y mis si tiene noticias de la mtfsica, instrumentos.y cifra s) que ocioso estava este autor, piies se puso a escrivir. unas cosas tan ordinarias, que hasta los ninos en Madrid, y otras partes, las entienden, y practican, y ay tambidn maestros que las ensenen; a que se dan algunas respuestas. La primera, que el mundo es grande, y que no en todas partes concurre lo que en Madrid; y que tjene experiencia el autor (porque ha v.isto diferentes reynos, prqvincias remotas, y ultramarinas), que no saben, ni practican dichas cifra s, ni otras ningunas: porque aunque se tarie, y canta, no es mis que de memoria, exceptuando a algunos, que saben la mdsica de canto”de.drgano." Lucas Ruiz.de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por las cifras de la quitarra espanola, y arpa, taner, y cantar i compis por canto de drqano (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976) "Prdlogo al curioso lector", p. x i. ■ ~ -

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"Este dicho dfa Hamados para ello mandaron que los m inistriles ' guarden el horden que el maestro Francisco Guerrero ha dado por escripto, y que los seffores don -Antonio Pimentel chantre y candnigo Hernando Pirez se lo notifiquen y que qiando excedieren "el dicho horden el sefior presidente advertido dp^ dicho maestro o de otro quailquiera los pene a su a rb itrio . El qual horden es el que se sigue: - Primeramente que Rojas y Ldpez tafian siempre los tfples de T&s chirimfas y que guarden con mucho cuydado horden en el glosar, en los lugares y tiemposVde-manera que quando el uno glosare el otro baya^pon llaneza, aguardindose el uno al otro porque glosando juntos se hacen disparates para tapar los o^dos. - Yten que los mismos Rojas y Ldpez quando uviere cosa de cornetas las tafian ellcs guardando el mesmo horden - cada uno de moderarse en las glosas esperindose el uno al otro porque .como ya es dicho glosar juntos es disonancia ynsufrible. - Que Juan de Medina tana de ordinario el contralto y dd lugar a 10s tiples no turbindolosteon exceder de la glosa que debe a . contralto y que quando el dicho Juan de Medina tanere solo el contralto por tip ie con los sacabuche^ se le dexa el campo

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"Discreto lector, los motivos que he tenido* para dar a la luz, piiblica esta obrita, que aunque corta, harto trabajosa, sdlo han sido considerar, que no en todas partes concurre lo que en esta' corte, por lo que tengo experimentado, y vistolen diversos reynos, y provincias, que en muchos de ellos no saben, ni practican dichas cifra s , ni otras ningunas, porque aunque se tarfe, y canta? no es pis que de memoria, exceptuando a algunos, que saben la miisica." Pablo Minguet y Yroli, Reglas, y advertencies general es que ensenan el modo de tafier todos los jnstrumentos mejores, y mis usuales (Madrid, ca. 1754.) B, ’"Prdlogo al lector aficionado", p. v.

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abierto para hacer-las galas y glosas que quisiere que en este ynstrumento las sabe bien hacer." SEVILLE, Archivo de la Catedral Metropol i tana, Actas Capi till ares vol. 36 (afio 1586) "Horden que han de tener los m inistriles en el taner" (dated July 11, 1586), f . 46 v. An English translation, without the o rig in al, i s given by Robert, Stevenson, Spanish cathedral music in the Colden Age (Berkele.y and Los Angeles, 1961), .pp. 166-?167. 4.

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"DIFERENCIAS. En los tanidos de los instrumentos milsicos se llama assf los diversos modos de tocar un mismotahido: como tambidn en la danza( de la escuela espanola, la diversidad de , movimientos con que varias'veces se llama un mismo tanido...." Diccionario de la lenqua castellana, . . . por la Real Academia Espanola vol. 3 (Madrid, 1732; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964), pp. 274-275. The elegant definition of instrumental variations as different ways of playing the same piece may have been taken from Brossard: ^"VARIATIO. Terme la tin , ou VARIAZIONE. Terme jtalien,-' vteulent dire proprement DIFFERENCE, 'changement', 1vari€t^1, &c. Mais en f a it de musique, on appelle VARIATION. ' Les diffdrentes mani&res de jouer ou de chanter un a i r 1 [my emphasis), .soit en 1subdivisant les notes en plusieurs de. moindre valeur1, Soit en y 'ajoutant de's agrdemens1, &c. de mani&re cependant qu'on puisse toujours reconnoitre le'fond de cet a i r , que Von nomme le 'simple1, . . . " S^bastien Brossard, Dictionaire de musique (2nd edition, Paris, 1705; facsimile edition, Hilversum, 19651, p. 217. In 1736 Torres y Martinez Bravo claimed that he had " translated Brossard's dictionary into Castilian (see below, chap. 2, p. 34.

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Luis de Narvaez, Los seys libros d&l Delphfn de milsica de. cifras para tafier v.ihuela (Valladolid, 1538); modern edition by Emilio Pujol, MME 3 (Barcelona, 1945; reprinted Barcelona, 1971). .In particular, see D-54 and D-195.

6.

Alonso Mudarra, Tres libros de milsica en cifras para vihue!a (S eville, 1546); modern edition by Emilio Pujol, MME 7 (Barcelona, 1949). In particular, see D-55, D-196, and D-201.

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The term "baylete" occurs in D-155, D-189, D-191, and D-192. / The term "buelta" occurs in D-156, D-223, and D-229. The "bueltas de pecho", "bueltas de folfas", and "buelta de descuydo" are‘described by Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del dancado (S eville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947) chap. 2 "De los movimientos del dangado, y calidades que cada uno ha de tener, y sus nombres", f . 15v-16v. See below, p't. IV, pp. 952-953. Choreographic instructions are given in Jehan Tabourot (pseudonym: Thoinot Arbeau), Orchdsographie. Et traic te en forme de dialogue, par lequel toutes personnes peuvent

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facilement apprendre & practiquer Vhonneste exercise des dances (Langres, 1589; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1970) "La volte", f . 63v - 65v; English translation by Wary Stewart Evans, edited by Julia Sutton (New York, 1967), pp. 119-122. 10.

Andres Lorente, El porqud de la milsica (Alcaic de Henares, 1672) Bk. I l l , chap. 54-73, pp. 300-416 and Bk. IV, chap. 68, pp. 642-649.

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Bartolomd Ferriol y Boxeraus, Reqlas Jtiles para los aficionados a danzar (Capua, 1745); and Pablo Minguet y Yrol^A rte de danzar a la francesa (Madrid, 1758-1764). See below, chap^ 10, p. 660.

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"MUDANZA. Se llama tambidn cierto niimero de movimientos, que se hace en los bailes y danzas, arreglado al tahido de los i nstrumentos. . . . " - Diccionario de la lenqua caste]1ana, . . . por la Real Academia Espaflola, vol. 4 (1734), p. 623. —1 ♦ Reqlas de danzar, E Mrah Biblioteca Valleumbrosiana, Ms misceltfnea en fo lio tomo 25; as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2. See the passages on the "alta" and "pavana italiana" transcribed below, chap. 10, p. 691 note 33 and pt. IV, p. 1121 note 375.

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" . . . una mudanza; es decir* una ligacidn de pasos, que mudando dp. unos a otros, formen un todo . . . " Antonio Cairdn, Compendio de las principales reqlas del baile. (Madrid, 1820) "El bolero", p. 107.

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Fabritio Caroso, II ballarino (Venice, 1581; facsimile edition, New York, 1967); Livio Lupi da Carravagio, Mutanze di qaqliardatordiqlione passo e mezzo canari e passeggi (Palermo, 1600);.and Cesare Negri, Le gratie d^more (Milan, 1602; facsimile edition, New York, 1969). I have not had the opportunity of examining the book by Lupi da Carravagio. I t is b rie fly discussed in Fausto Torrefranca, "Documenti d e fin itiv i sulla p a rtita " , BERICHT UBER DEN INTERNATIONALEN MUSIKWISSENSCHAFTLICHEN K0NGRESS, BAMBERG 1953 (Kassel, 1954), p .-145.

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Antonio Valente, Intavolatura de cimbalo recercate fantasie et canzoni francese desminuite con alcuni tenori b a lli et varie sorte de contraponti. Libro primo (Naples, 1576); modern edition by Charles Jacobs (Oxford, 1973)..

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Pietro M illio n !,' Quarta impressione del primo secondo et terzo 1-ibro d'intavolattira . . . di chitarra spaqnola (Rome, 1627); as described by Richard Hudson, "The development of Ita lia n keyboard variations on the 'passacaglio' and 'ciaccona' from guitar music in the seventeenth century" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1967), pp. 71-72 and 78-80.

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18.

Salvator,e Mazg,e11a (napolitano), Ba1.lt, correnti, gighe, : sarabande, gavotte, brande, e qaqliarde, con la misura giusta per ballarb al.-'stile inqlese, con la giunta della fo lia di Spaqna, passaqaql^fer dui tuoni con molte p a rtite; dui ciaccone, una spadfrcfla, e 1'altra italian a DI MOLTE MUTANZE [my emphasis]; aggiuntavi molte partite sopra la tarantella. A dui violino,Te viola, o cim balo.... Opera prima (Rome, 1689); a-s listed in Claudio Sartori, Biblioqrafia della musica str’umentale italian a stampata in Ita lia fino al 1700 vol. 1 (Florence, 1952), pp. 549-550. “ —

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2.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE

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History and Culture

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A complex network of p o litical and cultural links characterized

the relationship between the Iberian peninsula and the rest of western Europe during the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries.

A consideration

of these ties provides the requisite context for evaluating both the geographical scope of usage and. the nature of foreign influences associated with the secular dance schemes and variation techniques found in the. Spanish sources. At the same time I would emphasize that the po litical and cultural factors noted in the ensuing synopsis are not sufficient in themselves to furnish conclusive explanation&^of/Varijpus aspects of Spanish music.

The.interactions and implications of such factors are

not always self-evident.

Furthermore, p o litic al and cultural phenomena -

are rarely related to one.another in a simple one-to-one correspondence. The precise nature of a particular relationship between or within these two broad areas is often a complex matter requir+ng a much more detailed investigation than is feasible here.

In addition, the assessment of the

degree and direction of cultural influence does not readily follow from a mere listing-'df events and a description of works.

One must also

contend with the possibility that a s im ila rity of styles is a manifesta­ tion of coincident developments which are not directly related. '

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In general, the different facets of p o litic a l, social-', and *

cultural l i f e in a particular region do not necessarily change in a \ \ synchronous fashion: , ■

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Any periodization of history demands that we select some aspect of the l i f e of a society, or some aspect of cultural li f e that we regard as important, as the basis for marking the beginning, middle,-and end of the period with/which we are concerned. One cannot assume, however, that what marks the beginning of a period when seen from a p o litic al point of view also marks the beginning of a new economic period, nor that a periodization in terms of some element of cplture, such as painting or lite ra tu re , w ill be synchronous with a periodization based on scien tific discoveries or on \ philosophic innovation.... What is to*be rejected is the al 1or-none approach of monistic views of history, in which periodizations are taken to be equally applicable to a ll aspects of a society and its culture. For example, consider the ubiquitous characterization of Spain being in a "state of decline" during the 17th century.

I t is true that r .

Spain suffered very serious reverses, especially during the f ir s t half of thecentury.

Polltic.al incompetence and corruption were fostered by

the largeadministrative bureaucracy and by

the sale of a ll kinds of

public office both at home and a b ro a d . ^ Moreover Felipe I I I began the practice of entrusting a favourite ("valido") with the responsibility and power of rule.**

Spanish m ilita ry strength deteriorated during the

17th century with respect to the rest of western Europe.

The end of

Spanish superiority at sea is associated with the defeat of the Armada by the English in 1588; the end of her superiority on land is marked by the defeat of the Spanish army at Rocroi'.by the French in 1643.4 The Spanish economy was marked by rising in fla tio n , the progressive debase­ ment of coinage, and the recurrent fa ilu re of the royal treasury to jTjiijour its debts.®

The population in Spain appears to have dropped from

approXi-mtffely 8-1/2 m illion in 1596 to approximately 7 m illion in 1700.® Many Spaniards of the period were aware of these problems, and some writers (known as "arbitristas") proposed a wide variety of. remedies.^ .

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Despite these factors, an unqualified description of Spain as being in .a j's ta te of decline" can be quite misleading for a number of reasons.®

F irst, there was considerable.political, economic, and

demographic in s ta b ility throughout most of Europe during the 17th c e n tu r y . ^

Second, the'precise chronology and extent of the problems in /

Spain are uncertain.

I t is d iffic u lt to arrive at accurate

generalizations about. Spain during the 17th century because of the lack of sufficient analytical and synthetic historical studies, and because of the bias against the Habsburg monarchs which pervades many historical works from the 18th century onwards.

I t may well be, as Kamen argues,

that economic and demographic recovery in Spain began as early as the 1^60's.l®

Third, evdn granting a s.erious decline in certain facets of

Spanish society, i t does not inevitably follow that'Spanish music of the period was also in a "state of decline".

The problem relevant to this

study is not vf, but,rather how the factors discussed above affected Spanish music.

In Western history there are. several outstanding

instances where adverse p o litic al and economic factors coincide with flourishing cultural ac tiv itie s .

Consider, as examples, lite ra tu re and

drama in Spain during the fir s t -h a lf Of the 17th century; painting in the Spanish Netherlands during the 17th century; and a ll the arts in Austria during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Therefore the

circumstances outlined above did not necessarily exert an adverse . influence on the quality of Spanish music or the extent of Spanish .cultural influence abroad.

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The Iberian Peninsula Throughout the 17th century the unify of the Spanish kingdom on the Iberian peninsula was undermined by the p o litic al flowers which its individual regions possessed.

Although the p o litic al centre was fixed

in Castile, some of the other provinces retained th eir own constitutions which guaranteed them certain traditional privileges and rights regardless of the intended policies of the Spanish'monarchy.

The most

vivid illu s tra tio n of the ensuing conflicts between Castile and the peripheral provinces was the revolt of Catalonia in 1640.

During the

second half of the century the autonomy of the provinces, especially that of Aragon and Catalonia, continued to be an. important feature of the Spanish p o litic al system, until the early 18th century when the new Bourbon monarchy confiscated most of the regional powers.

Many of the

conflicts between the eastern provinces and the Spanish monarchy have bben investigated admirably by E llio tt: The Catalan and Portuguese revolutions [of 1640] flad shown that Madrid could retain the allegiance of the provinces only so long as i t le f t th eir governing classes in peaceful possession, of th eir traditional rights and institutions.... The second half of the seventeenth century was indeed for the Spanish monarchy the golden age o f' provincial autonomy — an age of almost superstitious respect for regional rights aod privileges by a Court too weak and too timid to protest^11 The fragmented political-structure together with the physical size of.the peninsula combined to accentuate cultural among the various regions.

differences

Local variants in popular dance-songswere

presumably as sharply marked in the 17th century as they are today in the surviving traditional repertory.

However, for two principal reasons

i t is not possible to isolate regional variants of the 17th century.

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> F irst, the lite ra te professional musician who notated adaptations of

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popular dance music belonged to a group which could transcend the lim itations of provincial boundaries.

Le'ading musicians often enjoyed

grea^: mobility in th eir capacity as church employees, by holding successive posts at various "capillas" throughout the peninsula.

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Second, the surviving sources of secular music do not represent the “ individual Spanish provinces in equal proportion.

Most of the extant

sources were compiled in Castile, while a lesser number come from Catalonia.

There are ho known sources from Andalusia in the south or

the provinces in the north which contain settings of dances indigenous to those regions.

Consequently most of the "Spanish" music discussed in

this study actually represents the repertoire used and adapted in Castile. * Throughout its history one can consider the Iberian peninsula to be quite distinct from the rest of western Europe.

The natural

geographical isolation afforded by the Pyrenees, the rich Arabic tradition absorbed during the Moorish occupation, and the pervasive - extremist religious attitudes inculcated by its Roman Catholic ecclesiastics have a ll contributed to d ifferen tiate Spain from its neighbours.

Despite these factors, Sp^in enjoyed a high degree of

cultural interaction with the rest of western Europe from the 16th to the early 18th century.

The Flemish and Ita lia n te rrito rie s belonging

to the Spanish Empire, combined with her aggressive foreign policy, provided numerous channels for cultural exchanges. The only other country on the Iberian peninsula was Portugal, which was under direct Spanish rule between 1580 and 1640.^ v

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the successful Portuguese revolt of 1640 under the leadership of the Braganzas, the Spanish Habsburgs did not relinquish the hope.of. reconquest until a series of m ilita ry defeats forced them to formally recognize Portugal in 1668.

From tha.tfiime on, Portugal retained her

p o litic a l independence.13 From the 16th to the 18th century there was a high degree of cultural homogeneity between Spain and Portugal.

The Inquisition, w.hich

was such an in fluential element in Spanish society, was established in s

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Portugal in 1536 under Joao I I I .

In lite ra tu re , drama, and philosophy

many Portuguese writers adopted the Castilian language in at least some of th eir works.1^ In the fie ld of music, the vocal polyphony and keyboard composition of both countries exhibited many of the same general tra its .

The interaction between Spain and Portugal was not

lim ited to the 60-year period of Spanish sovereignty.

Throughout the

16th and 17th centuries many musicians travelled between western Spain and Portugal.

For instance, by examining the extant archival documents f at Badajoz Cathedral, Kastner has been able to verify that a large number of Portuguese musicians worked in the Badajoz "capi11 a", and also that several musicians from the cathedral visited the Portuguese royal \

chapel at Vila Vigosa.13

S ty lis tic s im ila ritie s in keyboard music are

demonstrated in the works of Coelho issued in 1620, Which represent the ’

e a rliest Portuguese publication of instrumental music.1® That this collection was known.and studied by at least some of the leading Spanish ' organists elsewhere in the peninsula is shown by the reference to i t in *

the preface :to Correa de Arauxo's: keyboard publication of 1626. ■

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The Netherlands became part of the Spanish Empire in 1516 on the accession of Carlos I , who in the previous year had inherited the te rrito ry from his father, Philippe of Burgundy.

Throughout the 16th

and 17th centuries Spain was embroiled in almost constant war in an e ffo rt to maintain her sovereignty over the L o w l a n d s . I n 1581 the Northern provinces declared th eir independence under William of Orange. Reluctantly Spain recognized the autonomy of the United Provinces of Holland in the Twelve Years' Truce of 1609.

During the remainder of the

century Spain retained control over the southern provinces with great d iffic u lty .

Finally in 1713, by the Treaty of Utrecht, Spain

surrendered the remnants of her possessions in the Netherlands to the Roman Emperor. The Flemish style of sacred vocal polyphony of the 16th century Nhad a profound influence on Spanish music, both vocal as well as instrumental.

The primary vehicle for this foreign influence was the

establishment by Carlos I , on his accession to the Spanish throne, of a Flemish Royal Chapel in Spain ("Capilla flamenca" or "Capilla de Borgona"), which orig inally consisted of most of the members of his chapel in Brussels.^

Throughout the 16th century in Spain the Flemish

chapel co-existed with the native Spanish one ("Capilla espaftola").

The

former, however, was by fa r the more prominent one and attained a V,

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prestigious reputation throughout western Europe for its performance of polyphony,

Most of its singers were Flemish, and both Carlos I and

Felipe I I regularly recruited new members from the Lowlands.^

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contrast to its Flemish counterpart, in the 16th century, the Spanish chapel consisted of Spanish singers.

Apparently i t normally confined

it s e lf to the performance of plainsongj and did not accompany the king on his tra v e ls .21 In the early 17th century these distinctions, began to disappear, and the two chapels gradually merged into one.

The hispanization of the

Flemish chapel has generally been associated with the appointment in 1598 of Mateo Romero as its "maestro". ,This observation is valid, but not because of Romero's place of birth.

Becquart has established that

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Romero was Flemish (Matthieu Rosmarin), not Spanish.

In 1586, at the

age of 11 or 12, Romero was recruited and brought to Spain to join the Flemish chapel as a "cantorcillo".22

During his tenure as "maestro"

from 1598 to 1633, Spanish singers began to be selected as members of the Flemish chapel with increasing frequency.22 The f ir s t Spanish "maestro" of the Flemish chapel was Carlos Patino who in 1634 was appointed as Romero's successor. was complete.

In 1637 the merger of the two chapels

From th is ’point on there are no administrative

distinctions in the extant documents.2^

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In turn the Netherlands provided an important outlet for the diffusion of Spanish music in the f ir s t half of the 17th century. During that time Spanish musicians gccupied most of the leading posts at the ducal Chapel in Brussels, in contrast to the apparent e a rlie r predominance of Flemish musicians there.22

In 1611 at the court of the

Archduke Albert and Isabel, the "maestro de capilla" was G€ry de Ghersem nc * ■

and the "maestro de milsica de ctfmara" was Pedro Ri monte. •

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Although of

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Flemish birth , Ghersem had been recruited at a young age from Tournai in

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1586, for training in the Madrid chapel.

From 1598 to 1604 he served there

as an assistant chapel-master ("teniente de capilla") under Mateo Romero, before returning to Flanders where he worked until his death in 1630. Pedro Rimonte was Spanish by birth and served in Brussels under the Archduke Albert as "maestro de capilla" in 1603, and "maestro de milsica - de cSmara" from 1605 to 1614.^® In addition to the ducal court at Brussels, the religious festive processions known as "Ommegang" may also have incorporated Spanish music. ~Tn various Flemish towns the "Ommegang" were held regularly, and included giant figures, parade wagons, and town bands'.^ C

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The inclusion of Spanish music here is a possibility because of the striking sim ila rities between the "Qinmegang" and the Spanish "Corpus ' Christi" processions, and also because such fe s tiv itie s were used on occasion to honour the p ffic ia l representatives of the Spanish king. The most consequential aspect of Spanish musical a c tiv ity in the Netherlands was the impact i t had on Catholic composers from England, Ita ly , and Austria who visited or worked in the region during the f ir s t half of the 17th century.

The Netherlands appears to have been the main

channel by which Spanish dance schemes and keyboard techniques were transmitted to England, its p o litic al enemy.

Two of the leading English

virginalists represented in Tregian's "Fitzwilliam Virginal Book" worked for a considerable time in the Lowlands.' Peter Philips, afte r leaving England in 1582 and travelling throughout western Europe, entered the household uf Archduke Albert in Brussels in 1597, and la te r servecPin the.ducal cfapel until his death in 1628.^® John Bull also worked for Archduke Albert in Brussels in 1613-1614, and was the organist at i

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Antwerp Cathedral from 1617 until his death in 1628.3* Several *. t outstanding Ita lia n instrumental composers may have become fa m ilia r with Spanish secular music during th eir sojourn in the Netherlands. r

Frescobaldi worked in the region, in the service'of the papal nuncio 0

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Guido Bentivoglio, from 1607 to 1608.32

Foscarini, according to his own

remarks in the preface to one of his guitar publications, spent some $

time at the court in Brussels where he became personally acquainted with Archduke Albert.33

Corbetta also worked fo r a short period in Brussels.

The dedication of his fourth guitar book to Archduke Leopold William, governor of the Spanish Netherlands.from 1647 to 1656, is dated Brussels, 1648.34

Finally, in the middle of the century, some Austrian

musicians .served in Brussels at the court of Archduke Leopold William. For example, Johann Kaspar Kerll belonged to the Archduke's chamber in Brussels at least during the years 1647-1652 and 1655.35

Ita ly For direct cultural interaction, the most important te rrito rie s belonging to the Spanish Empire were located in Ita ly .

Throughout the

16th and 17th centuries Spain controlled the Duchy of Milan, the Kingdom of Naples and S icily , and Sardinia.

From the Peace of Cateau-Cambr^sis

in 1559 until the end of the 16th century Spain maintained these te rrito rie s with relative ease, partly because her domination in the Ita lia n arena was not challenge^ by the French.

However, in the 17th

century Spajn was faced with increasing opposition. .

France constantly

intruded in northern Ita ly in order to block Spain's attempt to ' establish a strong unbroken chain of te rrito rie s linking Milan with the

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Lowlands.

Furthermore, Ita lia n unrest manifested its e lf by the

recurrent rebellions against the Spanish authorities — notably in Milan, 1646; in S icily , 1647-1648 and 1675; and in Naples, 1647-1648 and S _

1701.

Finally, by the Treaty of Utrecht.in 1713 and the Treaty of

Rastadt in 1714, Spain was forced to cede a ll of her possessions in Ita ly , most of them to the Emperor.36 One of the most important features of the cultural lif e in Spain and Ita ly was the great amount of influence which each exerted on the other.

In the 18th century this cultural interaction was completely

dominated by Ita ly .

However, in the 16th and 17th centuries neither

region was supreme.

Moreover during this period i t is often d iffic u lt

to assess the extent and even the direction of influence in particular fields.

Nevertheless one can distinguish two simultaneous trends.

On

the one hand, many activities*associated with the Ita lia n aristocracy were cultivated at the Spanish royal court.

On the other hand, many

Spanish a c tivities originating in the popular sphere were adopted throughout Ita ly . One of the earliest examples of a Spanish court embracing Ita lia n principles of "courtly" behaviour occurred at Valencia during the second quarter of the 16th century. There the vihuelist Luis Mil£n 3 wrote a book describing the appropriate use of conversation and music, which he modelled on the code Of etfquette of the Gonzaga court at UrbinOj as compiled by Castiglione.37

MilSn's book was a Spanish

adaptation rather than a simple translation of Castigl.iorie's treatise, which had\ already been undertaken by BoscSn and published in 1534.36 ■**

In the fie ld of poetry during the 16th century Ita lia n

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techniques were imitated by several. Spanish poets. It a lia n meters, verse forms, and imagery were f ir s t adapted to the Castilian language by Juan Boscdn (1493-1543) and Garcilaso de la Vega (1503-1536).

However,

Spanish musical settings of such poetry did not resemble the Ita lia n madrigal repertory, because Spanish composers generally refrained from using "expressive" dissonance to re fle c t the meaning of the text. In the 16th century many prominent Spanish musicians spent part of th e ir careers in Ita ly .

Two of the foremost composers of sacred

polyphony studied and worked in Rome.

Cristdbal de Morales was a member ’

of the papal choir in Rome from 1535 to 1545.

He subsequently returned to

Spain where he was chapel-master f ir s t at Toledo Cathedral (1545-1547), then in Marchena for the Duque de Arcos, Luis Cristdbal Ponce de Ledn (1548-1551), and fin a lly at MS]aga Cathedral (1551-1553).40

Tomds Luis

de Victoria studied at the Jesuit Collegium Germanicum in Rome, enrolling in 1565.

He returned to Spain in approximately 1587, and from

then until his death in 1611 he served as chapel-master of the Monasterio de las“Descalzas in Madrid.41 During the second half of the 16th century Spaniards pccupied the leading musical posts at the Spanish court in Naples.

For example,

in 1558 in the chapel of the Duke of Alba, Fernando .Alvarez de Toledo, Viceroy of Naples, the "maestro de capilla" was Diego Ortiz and the "horganista" was Francisco Salinas.42

Ortiz was in Naples as early as

1553 and was s t i l l chapel-master there in 1565.4^ Salinas travelled to Rome in 1538 and-worked in the Neopolitan chapel at least from 1553.to 1558.

He then returned to Spain where he was appointed organist f ir s t .a t

Siguenza.Cathedral (1559) and la te r at Ledn Cathedral (ca. 1563). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

He

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became professor of music at Salamanca University in 1567 and ten years later published his music tre a tis e .^

In the fie ld of instrumental

music Naples was extremely important in providing a channel for the transmission of Spanish keyboard style to the rest of Ita ly in the early 17th century.

Ape! was one of the f ir s t to emphasize the s im ila ritie s

of s ty lis tic features found in Spanish keyboard music of the 16th century, Neapolitan keyboard works of the early 17th century, and Frescobaldi's music.^ In the late 16th century Spaniards also held the highest musical posts at the royal chapel in Palermo, Sicily.

For example, Sebastian

Rav%l succeeded Luis Ruiz as "maestro" of the royal chapel in 1595 and worked there Until his death in 1604.^

Thereafter, however, Italians ■s.

held the position Of chapel-master at Palermo.^ Finally, because of their^importance as instrumentalists, two other Spanish composers merit attention here.

Bernardo Clavijo served

as organist at the royal chapel in Palermo during the 1580's arid may have worked in Naples from 1587 to 1588.

He subsequently returned to

Spain where he became organist at Palencia Cathedral (1589] and then at Salamanca Cathedral (1591). at Salamanca University.

In 1593 he was appointed professbr of music

He ended his career by working as organist in

the "real capilla" from 1602 to 1626.4® Vicente Espinel travelled to Milan in 1581 and remained in Ita ly until approximately 1584 before returning to Spain.

Espinel was important not only as a novelist and .

censor, but also as a musician.

From 1599 until his death on February 4,

1624, he worked as chaplain and "maestro de mtfsica" in the chapel of the Bishop of Plasencia at the church of San Andres in Madrid.^ •" V

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In contrast to-the presence of many Spanish musicians in Ita ly , re la tiv e ly few Italian s worked in Spain during the 16th and f ir s t half of the 17th centuries. Pietro Cerone.

Of particular-significance is the career of

After, working as a singer at Oristano Cathedral in

Sardinia, he travelled to Spain ^^approximately 1592 and resided there for more than 10 years.

In approximately 1604 he moved ,to Naples where

he remained until his death in 1625.

His appointments, there included

the post of a singer in the royal chapel in 1610.^9 Although of Ita lian birth, Cerone wrote his encyclopedic music treatise in Castilian and dedicated i t to Felipe I I I . ^ 1 Several other^prominent Ita lia n musicians ••

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travelled to Spairf,during the f ir s t half of the 17tX century, but rarely .V

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have th eir activrfc+e's been documented.

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For example/ the lutenist and

composer Andrea Falconieri (1586-1656) set o ff for Spain in 1621. However, nothing has-been discovered about his career^from that year until his reappearance in Parma in 1 •V

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In.the 17th century Ita lia n attitudes towards Spain,ranged from admiration to ho stility. '—

On the one hand, Giustiniani could emphasize .

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the widespread use of th e ’Spanish guitar by equating i t with the great

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popularity of Spanish dress among the Ita lia n aristocracy: At the same time the Spanish guitar was introduced through­ out 'Ita ly , especially in Naples. I t , together with the theorbo, appears to have gonspired to banish the**iute altogether, and i t has almost succeeded; just.as the mode of dressing "alia spagnola" in Ita ly prevails over a ll other fashions. , On the other hand Espinel could add to the realism of h.is novel by including the following description: t.

..., he l e f t me in the lurch, at the f i r s t iijn we came to, .which was in a small town [in northern Ita ly ], where I could not provide myself with any beast whatever; nor could I get a

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decent answer from any of the people because I was a Spaniard, and in the dress of a soldier; so that neither my ‘humility, my modest demeanour, nor my patience, availed to prevent my journeying on foot, without a companion, through'' , an unknown country, i l l disposed towards my countrymen. I . went trudging over a plain country, and i t was with a bad grace I could get the people as I went along even to te ll me whether I was following the right roadV54 * One outlet for the resentment f e l t by many Italians towards the Spaniards was found in the "commedia del l ’arte".

The stock character or

mask known as "il Capitan" was often portrayed as a swaggering Spaniard who, despite incessant boasting about hfs innumerable conquests in w '0 and love, was invariably revealed as a ridiculous coward. This burlesque figure was frequently used, but the actors had to be careful not to offend any Spaniards who might be in the audience.

That violence

could erupt on such occasions is suggested by the remarks of A. Perrucci: When they make th eir braggadocio in Spanish they must do i t with dignity and propriety, since this people [i.e.,' Spaniards], glorious in every .emprise [i.e ., enterprise], w ill not allow it s e lf to be derided as others are derided, jo r example the Neapolitans for being foolish and foulmouthed, the Bolognese as gossips, the Venetians as ridiculous, the French as drunkards, the Sicilians as squabblers and babblers. These do not show anger even i f they do.not enjoy i t . The Spaniard, on the- other hand, laughs when he listens to this braggadocio but he cannot bear to see cowardice represented in the role of a soldier, even i f i t be merely simulated. 5 ” A The-characters and improvisatory techniques of the "commedia dell'arte" were also known in Spain, partly as a result of performances there by Ita lia n companies in the late 16th century. 4troupe directed by Alberto Ganas

For example, the

rto Naseli) performed at public

"corrales" in \jjfrrfpqs Spanish towns at leas? between; 1574 and 1584, and again in 1603.

For the remainder of the 17th century, however, there

are iio known records of professional Ita lia n troupes working in Spain.

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During the second half of the century'the influence of the "commedia d e ll’arte" in Spain may have been reinforced indirectly through France. Spain was beginning to jm ita te France in/many fields; and the "commedia d e ll’arte" was extremely popular at the French court, where a resident Ita lia n company enjoyed royal patronage between 1661 and 1697.

The

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company included one of the most famous Ita lia n actors of the century, Tiberio F io r illi (1602-1694), who was widely known as "Scaramouche".'^ In the fie ld of poetry during the 17th century, works in. Spain and Ita ly exhibited many sim ila ritie s .

Iry Spain' the two main styles

were represented by the "cu]teranismo" of Luis Gdngora y Argot? (15611627) and the "conceptismo" of Francesco Quevedo-y Villegas (15801645).^®

In Ita ly tl^e principal style, known as "marinismo", was

'associated with the poetry of Giambattista Marino (1569-1625)^

A

consideration of the possible interaction here between Spain and Ita ly strikirrgly reveals the d iffic u lty of clearly distinguishing'between direct influence on the one hand, and'coincidental but not directly related developments on the other handed

For example, in his analysis

of Marino's style, Mirollo concludes that Marino imitated some of the sonnets of Lope de Vega, that Marino and Gdngora wrote independently of one another, and that Quevedo consciously imitated Marino.^V

1 r.

Dramatic writing in Spain during the early 17th century was. exemplified, by the "anticlassical" nature of the works of Lope de Vega (1562-1635).®^ Again i t is not clear to what extent the Spanish style directly influenced Ita lia n drama of the period.

Of particular * importance is the degree of influence which Spanish plays exerted on Ita lia n operatic lib r e tti of the 17th century.

Considering the

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relationship in the other direction, i t has been documented that staging procedures at the Spanish court did incorporate Ita lia n techniques in the use of perspective, scene transformation, elaborate spectacle, and in tricate machinery.

The adoption of such Ita lia n devices in Spain ts'

associated with the arrival in Madrid, in 1626, of the Florentine —

engineer and designer Cosme Lotti.

Until his death in 1643 he worked in

the service of Felipe IV, and lavishly designed many court plays, including some by Lope de Vega and Calderdn.6^ 4

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In both poetry and drama the problem of assessing the

interactions between Spain and Ita ly has been complicated by the reaction of la te r-Ita lia n writers and lite ra ry historians.

Beginning

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with the Arcadian Academy (founded in Rome in 1690) and continuing through to the late 19th century, many Ita lia n c ritic s denounced their lite ra ry heritage of the 17th century and viewed i t as4a period of s ty lis tic decadence.

Moreover they often attempted to account for this

"decline" by pointing to the adverse effect of Spanish influences in Ita ly .

One of the f ir s t to present this argument, which was

. subsequently repeated by many others, was Tiraboschi in his encyclopedic "history of Ita lia n lite ra tu re , which was f i f s t published in the late ’ ) 18th century: Marino, one of the f ir s t to write in the decadent style, was a man of enormous talent. As a result he was held in great esteem, and. his writings corrupted others.... The power which the Spaniards had at that time in Ita ly ... also contributed to the deterioration of good taste. This resourceful nation ... then governed a large part of Ita ly . Their books were readily'available, and th eir tastes were widely adopted. Just as i t appears that subjects readily,dress according to the.fashion and practice of th e ir'fu le rs , so the Italians in a manger of speaking became Spanish.64 *

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During the 17th century the relative ly few Spanish operatic

works were influenced by Ita lia n practice.

Although music and dancing

were integral parts of the Spanish theatre, long dramas which were en tirely set to music were quite rare.

Apparently the earliest such

work was La selva sin amor, f ir s t performed before the royal family in Madrid in 1629.

The one-act lib re tto was written by Lope de Vega Carpio

and the lavish sets were designed by the Ita lia n Cosme Lotti. Unfortunately the’ composer of the music is not known, and no copy of the score has survived-.®® —

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In the middle of the century the most important Spanish lib r e ttis t of musical dramas was the playwright Pedro Calderdn de la Barca (1600-1681). types.

His works in this fie ld may be divided into two main

To the f ir s t category belong those dramas which were sung

throughout.

One of his e a rliest works here was his one-act "fiesta"

entitled La ptlrpura de la rosa, which was f ir s t performed at court in 1660.®® The music, however, is not extant.

The composer was probably-

Juan Hidalgo, although this is not certain.

I t is known that for the

prodjjction in 1680, Hidalgo was paid for composing the music for the new prologue ("loa").®?’

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The earliest Spanish musical drama whose music as well as text have survived is Calderdn’s three-act "fiesta" entitled Zelos aun del

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ayre matan with music by Juan Hidalgo, f ir s t performed at Buen Retiro in 1660.®® There are two extant manuscript-sources of the music, both consisting, of the vocal lines together with an unfigured bass in score format. ®^ One source contains the music for the f ir s t act only, and has been issued in modern edition.^®

The other source contains the music

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28.

for a ll1three acts, but i t remains to be published.^*, The Ita lia n influence on this work is revealed by the monodic nature of the music. SubirS has suggested that a direct, lin k between the efforts of Calderdn and Hidalgo, and Ita lia n operatic practice may have been provided by Giulio Rosjjigliosi (la te r Pope Clement IX from 1667 to 1669) who served as the papal nuncio in Madrid between 1644 and 1653.

Both before and

after his sojourn in Madrid, Rospigliosi'wrote lib r e tti for operas which were performed at the Barberini palace in Rome.

Furthermore, in his

later works Rospigliosi transmitted characteristics of the Spanish .*»■ 4 "comedia" directly to Ita ly . At-least three of his lib r e tti are adaptations of Spanish p lays:^ (a)

Dal male i l bene (music by Antonio .Maria Abbatini and Marco Marazzoli; f ir s t performed in Rome, 1654).

The lib re tto 'is t

based on Antonio Sigler de Huerta, No hay bien sin ageno dafio (comedia); published in Flora de las mejores doze comedias de los mayores inqenios de Espana, sacadas de sus'verdaderos originales (Madrid, 1652). (b)

Le armi e g li amori (music by Marco Marazzoli; f ir s t performed in Rome, 1656).

The lib re tto is based on Pedro Calderdn de la

Barca, Los empenos de un acaso (comedia); published in El mejor de los mejores libros que han saildo de comedias nuevas (Alcald, 1651), and also published posthumously in his Sexta parte de comedias (Madrid, 1683; facsimile edition, Westmead and London,; 1973, vol. 15), pp. 91-136. (c)

La comica del cielo (music by Antonio Maria Abbatini; f ir s t performed in Rome, 1668).

The lib re tto is based on Luis Vdlez

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de Guevara, AntonioiCoello, and Francisco de Rojas y Z o rrilla , La Baltasara (comedia); published in Primera parte de comedias *> *

escoqfdas de los meiores de Espana (Madrid, 1652). The second category of Calderdn's musical dramas consists of his

"zarzuelas".

Originally the term "zarzuela" was simply the name of the

royal palace near the Pardo where many theatrical works were performed. Beginning with the efforts of Calderdn, the term gradually became a designation for a type of sung drama written in two acts which incorporated spoken dialogue.

In the late 17th and 18th centuries the

"zarzuela" was the most important”form of Spanish musical dramaJ3 One of the earliest works written in two acts which Calderdn called a "zarzuela" was his El laurel de Apolo, which was f ir s t performed in 1658 as part of the courtly fe s tiv itie s celebrating the birth of Felipe Prospero.^

Unfortunately the music is not extant, nor is the composer

known75 Although the "zarzuela’1 became a uniquely Spanish genre, Calderdn orig inally modelled his works on Ita lia n opera, as he himself *

•

states in the "loa" of El laurel de Apolo. ^ In the 18th century Ita lia n influences on Spanish music increased greatly, especially in the fie ld of opera and to a lesser extent in instrumental music.

The predilection for Ita lia n ac tiv itie s

and ideas at the Spanish court was reinforced by the arrival in 1714 o f the second wife of Felipe V, the Ita lia n Elisabeth Farnese of Parma. The Ita lia n faction became so powerful that in 1715 Italians replaced Frenchmen in most of the chief ministerial posts of the Spanish government.^ The beginning of the production of Ita lia n opera in Spain is

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associated with the arrival in Madrid in 1703, ait the invitation of Felipe V, of the Ita lia n troupe ("la companfa de farsa italiana") commonly referred t o a t the time as "los. Trufaldines".

From 1703 to

1714 they performed Ita lia n plays, "commedia dell'arte" skits, and possibly some operas in Madrid, where they even erected th eir own ' * theatre in 1708 called the Canos del Peral 7® In 1716 another Ita lia n -

troupe was organized in Madrid, and with royal approval resumed the performances of Ita lia n works at the Canos del Peral theatre.^®

One of

the most important promoters of Ita lia n opera in Madrid was the marques Anibal Scotti.

*

He came to the royal court in 1719 as the o ffic ia l

'representative of the Duke of Parma.

In that year Felipe V appointed

him director of a ll stage productions by Italians in Madrid.

Scotti

energetically discharged his responsibilities by inviting various Ita lia n operatic companies to Madrid, increasing the spectacular nature of the performances, and supervising the renovation of the Canos del

'

Peral theatre, which reopened in .1738 with a performance of Demetrio (lib re tto by P. Metastasio and music by J.A. Hasse).®®

Between 1747 and

1758 even more lavish Ita lia n productions were staged at the Real Teatro , del Buen Retiro under the direction of the famous castrato Carlo . Broschi, who was known throughout Europe by the name F a rin elli.

He

worked at the Spanish court from 1737 to 1760 where he received>an extravagant salary and was treated almost as i f he were royalty.®* Farin elli was not the f ir s t castrato to work in Spain.

For example, in

1698 Mateo,Sassano, known as "el Mateucci", came to the royal court in Madrid where he became involved in the prevailing court intrigues through his close association with Queen Mariana of Neiiburg.®^

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.The use of castrati during the 17th century in Spanish sacred choirs has not been carefully investigated.

Although castrati are not

mentioned regularly in the extant documents, i t would seem th a t'in the early part o f the century they were used more frequently than has been generally acknowledged to date.

For instance, between 1620 and 1634

there were 11 castrati — a ll native Spaniards — among the chofrboys ("los seises") of Seville Cathedral.®®

Even more revealing is a

recommendation, dated Valladolid, June 9, 1601, that not a ll choirboys to be accepted in the royal chapel be castrati.® 4 During the 18th century the importance of Ita lia n music in Spain is further demonstrated by the number of Ita lia n musicians who occupied important posts at the royal court in Madrid.

The Neapolitan v io lin is t

Jacome Guisi to r Chi s i) entered the "capilla real" in 1693 anS worked there until his death in 1720.®®

One of his successors was the Venetian

V io lin is t Jaime Facco whose a c tiv itie s included the composition of the musical drama Amor es todo ymbenzidn.

Jupiter y Amphitrion (melodrama

al es tilo ytalianoj i n ’collaboration with the lib r e ttis t Josd de Canizar^es, which was performed at the Buen Retiro in 1721.®®

One of the

most prominent Ita lia n instrumentalists to work in Spain was Domenico S carlatti.

In the service of Marfa Barbara de Braganzar; he resided

f ir s t in Lisbon for at least some of the years between 1719 and 1728, „

and la te r in Madrid from 1729 up til his death in 1757.®^

Another

important Ita lia n musician at the royal court was Francisco Courcelle (or C orselli).

He came to Madrid in approximately 1734 from Parma,

where he had worked as "maestro" of the royal chapel. named music teacher to the royal children.

In 1735 he was

Shortly th ereafter the king

*

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32.

promised to appoint him as the next "maestro" of^the royal chapel. Courcelle did in fact succeed to this post in 1738 on the deatji of t

Joseph de Torres.

He continued in this capacity at the royal court,

where he also composed several operas, until his death in 1778.®® One of the most successful Ita lia n composers of musical dramas in Spain was Francesco Coradini (or Corradini).

Sometime between 1726 and 1728 he

came to Valencia from Naples, and in approximately 1730 he moved to Madrid where many of his stage works were performed.®® A leading position at the Spanish court was also occupied by the Ita lia n musician Felipe Falconi.

His prestigious status there is revealed by the fact

that in 1737 as "maestro de capilla de la Colegiata de San Ildefonso" ■ Falconi received a higher salary than the "maestra de la real capilla" Joseph de Torres.®®

He died in Madrid on April 9, 1738.®* Finally i t \. 1, . __ should be noted that distinguished Italian'musicians, especially

, ' ' composers of string music, continued to play an in fluential role in Spanish musical lif e until the end of the 18th century.

Brunetti was

active at the Spanish royal court from 1767 to 1798.®®

Boccherini also

worked in Madrid from approximately 1768 u n til’ 1805.®® In the fie ld of vocal music many Spanish composers began to adopt Ita lia n forms and styles during the early 18th century.

In their

: "cantadas" and musical dramas they incorporated "recitado" sections and "da capo arias".®^

One of the f ir s t prominent Spanish composers to

integrate I ta li an. features in his music was Sebastian Dur preface is quoted and translated in Richard A. Hudson, "The development of Ita lian keyboard variations on the 'passacaglio' . and 'ciaccona' from guitar music in the seventeenth century" (Ph^D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1967), pp. 153 and 413.

34.

. Francesco, Corbetta, Varii scherzi di sonate per la chitarra spagnola . . . Libro quarto (n .p ., n .d .). The date of the dedication is given in Richard T. fin n e ll, "The role of Francesco Corbetta (1615-1681) in'the history of music for the Baroque guitar, including a transcription of his complete works" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1976) vol. 1, p. 130. For Corbetta’ s direct contact with Spain see below, chap. 5, pp. 178-181.

& 35.

See the archival lis ts partly transcribed in Clercx (1950), pp.- 152-153. .

36.

• This did not mark the end of Spanish p o litic al control in Ita ly . Carlos, the son of Felipe V and Elisabeth Farnese of Parma, was the Duke of Parma from 1731 to 1735, and the King of Naples and S icily from 1735 to 1759., On his accession to the Spanish throne as Carlos I I I (1759-1788), he crowned his son Fernando King of ’ Naples and S icily (reigned 1Z59-1808), thereby establishing "another ruling branch of the Bourbon house.

37.

Lui§ MiIcin^Libro intitulado ) e1 Cortesano (Valencia, 1561); modern -edftion in COLEStlON DE LIBR0S ESPAtoJ.ES RAR0S 0 CURI0S0S vol. 7 (Madrid, 1874). Baldesar castiglione, I I lib ro del Corteqiano (Venice, 1528); modern-edition by GiuliO Preti (Turin, I960). Note that,Castiglione spent the last part of his l i f e in Spain and died in Toledo in 1529.

S'

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47.

38.

Juan' Boscctn, Los quatro 1i bros: del Cortesano’: compuestos en italiano por el conde Balthasar Castelldn y agora nuevamente traduzidos en lenqua castellana por Boscdn (Barcelona, 1534); modern edition by Marcelino Mendndez y Pelayo (Madrid,. 1942). For a summary and discussion of MilSn's book see John B. Trend, Luis Mildn and the vihuelistas (Oxford’^1925), pp. 61-95

39.

Randel has examined the Spanish polyphonic settings of Ita lian verse forms in the Cancionero musical de la Casa de Medinaceli ■ [MADRID, Biblioteca Medinaceli Ms 13230 (compiled ca. 1570); modern edition of pieces with Spanish texts by Miguel Querol, MME 8-9 (Barcelona, 1949-1950)]. From his investigation he concludes that Spanish composers reflected the new types of verse fprms and imagery primarily through changes of rhythm and texturei rather than through the,use of dissonance. See Don M. •Randel, "Sixteenth-century Spanish polyphony and the poetry of Garcilasco", MUSICAL QUARTERLY 60 (1974), pp. 61-79.

40.

For a detailed biography see Robert Stevenson, Spanish cathedral music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), pp. 7-45. Stevenson.also discusses the prominence of Spanish as well as French singers in the papal choir during the f i r s t h a lf of the 16th century. «

41.

See Stevenson (1961), pp. 345-372.

42.

* Original document transcribed in Subird (1927), pp.

26-28.

r

The dedication of his f ir s t publication is dated Naples, December 10, 1553. See Diego O rtiz, Trattado de glosas sobre cldusulas y otros qdneros de puntos en la musica de viol ones (Rome, 1553), (an Ita lian translation was issued in the same year); modern edition by Max Schneider (3rd edition, Kassel, 1961). On the title-page of his second publication he describes himself as the chapel-master-in Naples: Diego Orti'z, Didaci Ortiz toletani reqlae capellae neopolitanae. Moderatoris et maqistri. Musices lib er primus hymnos, maqnificas, salves, motecta, psalmos (Venice, 1565). I have cited the t i t l e as i t is given in Stevenson (1961), p. 320. '

44.

P P f f lF

^

Biographical details are given in Josd Alvarez Pdrez, "El (organista Francisco de Salinas. Nuevos datos a su biografia", • ANUARIO MUSICAL 18 (1963), pp. 21-44. . ‘

45.

W illi Apel, "Neopolitan links between Cabezdn and Frescobaldi", MUSICAL*QUARTERLY 24 (1938), pp. 419-437. -

46.

For Raval's career in Ita ly see Ottavio Tiby, "SebastiSn Raval a 16th century Spanish musician in Ita ly " , MUSICA DISCIPLINA 2 (1948), pp. 217-223v

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. >

48.

.

47.

The appointments of Vincenzo Gallo (1605), Cornelio Drago (1625), and Vincenzo d'Elia (1636) are noted in Ottavio Tiby, "La musica nella Real Capilla Palatina di Palermo", ANUARIO MUSICAL 7 (1952), pp. 189-190.

48.

Biographical documentation is presented in Camielo Erdozain, "Bernardo Clavijo del C astillo. Estudio biogrSfico de este cdl ebre miisico", ANUARIO MUSICAL 21 (1966), pp. 189-210. Erdozain also suggests that Clavijo may have composed music for some secular stage productions at the Spanish court in the early 17th century.

49.

For a detailed biographical study see George Haley, 'Vicente Espinel and Marcos de Obregdn. A li f e and its lite ra ry representation (Providence, Rhode Island, 1959), pp. 3-61.

50.

A biographical summary is given in Higinio Angles, "Cerone, Domenico Pietfo"i' translated by Christel Blume, Die Musik in Geschichte und Geqenwart vol. 2 (Kassel, 1952),. pp. 969-973. I have been unable to consult the f ir s t part o f a study by ftamdn , Baselga Esteve, "Pedro Cerone de Bdrgamo. Estudio biobibliogrdfico", TE^JRO SACRO MUSICAL 54^1971).

51.

Pedro Cerone, El melopeo y maestro. Tractado de mtisica thedrica y prdctica, 2 vol .* ( Naples, 1613; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1969). ” _ # See Adelmo Damerini, "Falconieri, Andrea", translated by Anna Amalie Abert, Die Musik in Geschichte und Geqenwart vol. 3 (Kassel, 1954), pp. 1740-1743. Note that Falconieri worked as "maestro di capilla" at the court in Naples from 1639 to 1656.

52.

53^

" . . . rtell'istesso tempo s'introdusse la chitarra alia sfifegnola per tutta It a lia , massime in Napoli, che unita con la tiorba, , pare che abbiano copgiurato di sbandire affatto i l liu to ; et qu^5i riuscito a punto, come i l modo di vestire alia spagnola in Ita lia prevale a tu tte le a ltre foggie." Vincenzo Giustiniani, Discorso sopra la musica, LUCCA, Archivo del Stato Ms 049 (written ca. 1628); modern edition in . Angelo S o le rti, Le oriqini del melodramma. Testimonialize dei contemporanei (Turin, 1903; reprinted Hildesheim, 1969), p. 126. English translation taken from Carol MacCTintock in MUSIC0L0GICAL STUDIES AND DOCUMENTS vol. 9 (n .p ., 1962), p. 79.

*10

54. '

,

" . . . en la primera posada me dej;

simultaneous cross-relation of a "minor semitone" (i.e ., a diatonic note *•^

^

*

■

/1

and its chromatic alteration), a diminished octave, or an 'augmented octave/®

■

To defend this daring dissonance, Correa cites Supposed

precedents in thq works of Gombert, Josquin, and Montanos/®

He points

out to t‘he reader three specific passage? in his own "tientos" where he uses a simultaneous cross-reiation 80

One such passage is shown in

musical example 3.®*

■

.

. ''

'

V::

t**! Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

MUSICAL EXAMPLE 3 - A simultaneous cross-relation in Correa de Arauxo"

^

1

' d ‘

:

^

M

„

;

J

1

"

R " ‘

'

t

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—

.

1

,

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w-f

1

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1

1

-fo r

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i

---------- --------------------------- ---

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Throughout the 17th century sustained dissonances play a prominent role in Spanish keyboard "tientos", especially in those known •'

•

.

_

■.

d.

°

.

as "tientos de falsas" (of'dissonances). .‘ This genre is sim ilar to the« Ita lia n "toccata di Miurezze e ligature" (of dissonances and suspensions) in that the dissonances are often treated, in novel way?*82

0‘ne^

important Spanish composer who cultivated this type of "tiento" was Juan Cabanilles.®®

'

-

In the second half of the 17th century the opening themes of some keyboard "tientos" contain the melodic interval of a diminished fourth (between the raised seventh degree and the lowered third degree). * In such "tientos" augmented triads sometimes occur in m etrically strong positions.®^ -

(i)

The following fiv e works serve as examples:

'

,V

Bernabd, "Tiento de falsas de 7° tono, de Barnavdi", in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

^

■ =

•

E.Bc M.751/21, pp. 333-337; modern'edition by Higinio Angies, BPSM 21 (1966), pp. 85-87. example 4. (ii)

'

See musical

...

Juan Cabanilles,"Tierito de falsas 1° tono Cabanillas", 1n E Be M.729, f. 33r-34r; modern edition by Higinio Atiglds, BPSM 4 (1927), pp. 4-5; reprinted in BPSM 20 (1965), pp. 79-80
*>3u-~ jq

^_ o

p u ii

'

4 k im c

" ItiiJ L -*

13o |

w

Wtt. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission

' from the 17th an$ early 18th centuries is manifested in a variety of ways.85

For example, Correa de Arauxo (1626) grades each of his organ

pieces according to th eir d iffic u lty into one of five categories ("grados").85

In other collections the self-instructional, purpose is

specified by the author.

Apparently ecclesiastics constituted an

important group among the potential users of such works.

For example,

in a: le tte r of approbation for'the accompaniment treatise by Torres (1702), SebastiSn Durdn claims that Ine qf the most praiseworthy aspects of this publication is that i t can be profitably used by monastic persibns'whp do not have abbess to a-music teacher. 87 • .« 16 use of tablature instead of s ta ff notationcan also indicate that a (collection is directed toward the novice.

Tablature notation is

appropriate-for pedagogical purposes because i t fa c ilita te s the in it ia l progress of the student by eliminating the necessity-of learning the rudiments of music theory.88 Thus, in th eir appeal to as wide an audience as possible, musicans such as FernSndez de Huete could claim that the use of tablature in. th eir publications served to fa c ilita te matters for the reader.88

Correa de Arauxo advances the saijie argument

in the prologue to his organ publication. 88 ;

Tablature notation does not specify the duration of individual

notes within each voice-part.

Instead,-when rhythm is incorporated in

the notation, i t is indicated above the tablature lines by note-symbols which represent the musical time between successive note attacks. Therefore, in order to play rhythmically complicated pieces from tablature, an understanding of the meaning o f the varioqs'note-shapes is necessary.

This is one of the reasons* why Correa de Arauxo,

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notwithstanding his prefatory remarks in*praise of tablature, also emphasizes the importanqe of being able to understand s ta ff notation. Mastery of this s k ill occupies f ir s t place in his li s t of .

recommendations fo r organists.;®*

s

The player who lacks this s k ill is at

a severe disadvantage, but i t is minimized, as Nassarre points out in his discussion,.of harp tablatures, when the'notated pieces belong to the repertory of popular dance-songs: . ’

v,/. '

' ■

Many maintain that tablature is superior to musical s ta ff notation, because .one can play instrumental music from tablature very easily and without knowing much. However there is a great disadvantage, which is the d iffic u lty of playing the rhythms p e l ayre"] which are required when there are many voice-parts, and there is the great danger that the player w ill not keep time properly. Those who do not understand s ta ff notation ["no saben cantar"] can . only execute the correct rhythms from tablature when the works are "passacalles", or short pieces which are popular at court ["sonecitos de palacio"]* because they already know the rhythms by heart, and therefore they can , perform such works without the risk of losing the beat. However i t is more d iffic u lt for those who do not understand s ta ff notation to perform accurately more substantial works and pieces which, they have never heard before. Consequently T have always maintained that a more proper procedure is that the person who is to ( v perform on any instrument, should f ir s t know how to sing from s ta ff notation, before he .is allowed to.perform notated music with his hands. 2 , Apart from the promotion of pedagogical objectives, there are three other important reasons for the use of tablature.

First, its

prescriptive nature is particularly-suitable for plucked string instruments where the player does not control the precise duration of a ll the notes. ~ *

•

'

.

Second, in manuscript sources i t occupies less space

than its equivalent in s ta ff notation.

Third, in music printing of the

•

time, tablature was a much easier notation to implement than either twostave "keyboard" notation or score notation.^

Music printing by

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typography in western Europe during the 17th century employed a process known as “single impression", in which the individual pieces of type "consisted of a note already placed on a short segment-of s ta ff lines.®4 With this kind of fount i t yuas not possible to,align one note v e rtic a lly under another on the same staff.

Therefore, for music exceeding two

voice-parts, keyboard notatioifwas impractical.

Furthermore, tablature

was preferable to score notation because 'it occupied less space, and because some forms of tablature were not restricted to music with a fixed number of voice-parts.

The other kind of process used fo r music

printing was that of engraving, and here also, tablature was 'the most " practical notation.

Engraving was rarely employed fo r s ta ff notation

before the 18th century, in part because of the technical expertise required by the engraver.®®

I t was only after 1700, with the softening

of the m etallic composition of the plates and the use of punches for many of the musical symbols, that engraving - - as exemplified in the publications of John Walsh in London and Estienne Rogier in Amsterdam - superseded typography for the publication of music in s ta ff notation.®6

, por

.

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-

excelentfsimos hombres en todos 1os instrumentos. Movfanse cuestiones acerca del uso desta ciencla, pero no se ponfa en el . estremo que estos dfas se ha puesto en casa del maestroClavijo, donde ha habido juntas, de lo mds granado y purificado deste divino, aunque mal premiado ejercicio. Juntdbanse en el jardfn de sii casa el licenciado Gaspar de Torres, que en la verdad de herir la cuerda con aire y s c ie n cia , acompanando la vihuela con gallardfsimos pasajes de voz y garganta, llegd al . estremo que se puede llegar; y otros muchos sujetos muy dignos de hacer mencidn dell os. Pero llegadoa o fr al mismo maestro Clavijo en la tecla, a su hija dofia Bernard!na en la arpa y a Lucas de Matos en la vihuela de siete"drdenes, imltdndose los unos a los otros con gravfsimos y no usados movimientos, e s lo mejor que yo he ofdo en mi vida. Pero la nifia — que ahora es monja en Santo Domingo el Real — es monstriio de naturaleza en tecla y arpa." Vicente E s p in e lReiaciones de la vida del escudero Marcos de Obregdn (Madrid, 1618) vol. 2, B k .- Ill, v chap. 5; modern edition by M. Soledad Carrasco Urgoiti (Madrid, 1972) vol. 2, pp. 144-145. f ■

^

,30.

In his survey of Spanish treatises from the 15th and 16th centuries, Mendndez y Pelayo emphasizes the recurrence of these ideas: " . . . nos lo. muestran losApreliminares de todos lo s , libros. tdcnicos espanoles [de nidsica], que comienzan indefectiblemente por una introduccidn filo sd fica de sabor ’ marcadamente platdnico, o mds bien pitagy Cosme Josd de Benito fo rF .A . Barbieri. On the title-page Benito claims that this treatise was o rig in ally published in Madrid. k.

34.

■e'

Salinas (1577) Bk. I , pp. 1-45. For an excellent account of this section, with long translated excerpts, see Arthur Michael Daniels, "The De musica lib r i V II of Francisco de Salinas" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern C alifornia, 1962), _ ppt 39-110.

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-

99.

35.

•

36.

"Quare nonNsoluin aurium, sed rationis etiam iudiclum 1n harmonica necessariurn est, neque unum sine altero potest esse : perfectum.. . . Ex his quae dicta sunt, fa c ile perspicitur, muslcae subiectum esse non posse numerum tantum pef se sumptum; cuius iudicium ad rationem, & non ad sensum spectare videtur: neque sonum seorsum consideration, qui sensus, & non intellectus obiectum est: sed quoddam tertiurn ex utroque conflatum,' quod numefus sonorus appelatur.“ Salinas (1577) Bk. I , chap. 3r4, p. 4. In particular see Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I , pp. 1-202, entitled " . . . en el qua! se contienen unos avisos, documentos y moralidades: que debaxo del descubrir algunps defectos y vicios, se dan los avisos de las buenas partes, que ha de tener un cumplido canta^ite, y un perfecto mdsico."; and Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk, I , pp-. 1-88, whose contents according to the prologue (p. xxi) are as follows: " . . . se trata de las tres partes, en que dividen la mdsica los fi!6sofos, que son en mdsica \ mundana, o c e le s tia l, que es la que hazen los cielos con su perene movimiento. Humana, que es las^ proporciones armdnicas, con que fue cri^do el hombre. La tercera es la instrumental, y ■como dsta fue hallada por influxo de la de lo s ’cielos, y sim ilitud de proporciones del hombre, trata tambidn de la essencia, que es el sonido, y de los efectos, que haze la mdsica en el alma, y cuerpo."

37.'

Antonio Eximeno y Pugades, Don Lazarillo* Vizcardi : sus investigaciones mdsTC'as~con Ocasidn del concurso a un maqisterio de capilla vacante 2 vol. (posthumously, Madrid, 1872-1873). Eximeno, who lived from 1729 to 1808, orig inally submitted the work fo r publication in 1806. Further information on his l i f e and works is given in Felipe Pedrell, Pfadre] Antonio Eximeno. Glosario de la gran remocidn de Taeas que para mejoramiento de la_tdcnica v estdtica del arte_mdsico ejercio el insiqne jesufta valemnano (Valencia* 19^0).

38.

Almonte C. Howell J r ," P a b lo Nasarre's 'Escuela Mdsica': areappraisal11, in Studies in musicology. Essays in the history, style and bibliography of music in memory of Glen Haydon, edited by James W. Pruett (Chapel H111, North Carolina, 1 9 6 9 ),p. 82. For a more detailed description of this novel see Alice M. P o llin , "Toward an understanding o f Antonio Eximeno", JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY 10 (1957), pp. 91-96. References to some o f Eximeno's criticisms of Cerone are given 1n Baselga Esteve (1972), pp. 35-38.

39.

" . . . el 'Melopeo' es un verdadero fdrrago que tiene de bueno lo que el autor tomd de los tratados del siglo anterior, 'en cuya leccidn habfa consumido la mayor parte de su mocedad', pero rebosando de erudicidn pedantesca y de capftulos enteramente

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extranos a la musica, Mendndez y Pelayo vol. chap* m12, p. 210. For more criticism s/in 'th e same vein seeMendndez jez y Pelayo vol. 6 (1904) chap.'5, p; 380. 40.

41.

"Lo xjue Nasarre tiene propio o derivado de la buena tradlcidn del/siglo XVI, es racional y sensato y digno de grande alabanza. Sdto claudica cuando se deja lle v a r a d e g a s por Cerone, parahablarnos de ‘ la primera parte de la mdsica, qufe-es la que hacen los cielos’ , y del in flu jo que dsta ejerce en la milsica Humana y aun en los humores del cuerpo, o cuando supone que la razdn de no o fr nosotros la mdsica de las esferas procede de / que el pecado original nos lo impide." Mendndez y Pelayo vol. 6 (1904) chap. 5, pp. 381-382. ^ , ■ • Vjr "” ■ Thus, for; examplev i t decided that secular musical models should not be used fo r "cantus-firmus" or parody compositions. The other chief recommendation was that careful attention should be given to the In t e llig ib ilit y of the text. For a discussion of ,the Council's decisions? see K.G. F ellerer, "Church music and the Council of Trent", translated by Moses Hadas, MUSICAL QUARTERLY 39 (1953), pp. 576-594; and Hermann Beck, "DasKonzil von Trient und die Problerne der Kirchenmusik", KIRCHENMUSIKALISCHES JAHRBUCH 48 (1964) f pp. 108-177. -

42.

Henri C ollet, Le mysticisme musical espaqnolau XVIe siecle (Paris, 1913), pp. 88-94. An alphabetical l i s t of the Spanish participants, together with' a modern edition of documents pertaining to Spain's involvement in the Council of Trent, are given byjiiguel Salvd and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, "Noticia de los espanoles que asistieron al Concilio de Trento" and "Documentos relativos al Concilio de Trento", C0LECCI0N DE D0CUMENT0S INEDIT0S PARA LA HIST0RIA DE ESPANA vol. 9 (Madrid, 1846), pp. 5-80 and 81-106. 1

43.

Collet (1913), p. 102.

44.

"Y en cuanto a las otras misas, y horas, y oficios divinos . . . queremos y expresamente ordenamos que se digan e celebren en canto llano, e no haya en ninguna manera, ni en ningdn dfa, ni fie s ta , canto de drgano . . . " Felipe I I , "Carta defundacidn" (clSusula 38); as quoted, without any further id en tificatio n of the source, in Samuel Rubio, "La cap illa de milsica del Monasterio de El Escorial", LA CIUDAD DE DIOS 163 (1951), p. 62.

45.

Rubio (1951), pp. 61-75, also argues that a musical "capilla" was organized at Escorial no la te r than 1575.

46.

"Pero para que1la mdsica eelesiSstica mueva los corazones a los efectos dichos, ha de. ser conforme se deve e n ‘lugar tan sagrado, no mezclando cantos impuros, y profanos, pues los mdsicos, que ta l hizieren merecerdn indignamehte el nombre de mdsicos; pues a mds de no conseguir el f in , de excitar a la

*

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devocldn, quando la mdsica no es grave, y decente, ap&rta el corazdn de Dios, ddndolo a. las cosas terrenas. El santo Concilio Tridentino, en la sessidn 22 amonesta, que para que la casa de Dios se pueda llamar verdaderamente casa de oracidn, no se han de usar en e lla mdsicas indecentes, ni profanas, assf ' ■ en el canto, como en el drgano, y otros instrumentos, y especialmente en el oficio divino, y en el santo sacrificio de la missa." Nassarre v o l.'1 (1724) Bk. I , chap. 16, p. 68. He also refers to the Council of Trent in the preface to vol. -2 ' (1723) "Christianas advertencies* para maestros de capilla,' compositores, y mdsicos", p. i i . Elsewhere he'explains that' music which is solemn ("grave") can also be joyful ("alegre") and even liv e ly in tempo ("ayrosa"). See Nassar.re. vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I , chap. 16, p. 69; and vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I l l , 'chap. 9, • p. 314. 47.

"Las cantadas que ahora se oyen en las iglesias son, On cuanto a la forma, las mismas que resuenan en las tablas. Todas se componen de menuetes, recitados, arietas, alegros, . . . i En el tempio no debiera ser toda la mdsica grave? 6No .debiera ser toda la composicidn apropriada para infundir gravedad, devocidri y modestia? Lo mismo sucede en los instrumentos. Ese aire . . . extendido en tantas ’gigas1, que apenas hay sonata que no tenga alguna, iqud hard en los dnimos, sino c ita r en la imaginacidn pastoriles tripudios? El que oye en el drgano el mismo menuet que oyd en el sarao, igud ha de h a c e r,rs jjw l acordarse de la dama con quien danza la noche antecedente?; De esta suerte la mdsica, que habfa de arrebatar el espfritu del asistente desde el templo terreno al c e le s tia l, le traslada de la iglesia al festfn ." Benito Jerdnimo Feijdo y Montenegro, "Mdsica de los templos", in his Teatro crftico universal, o discursos varios, en todo qdnero de materias, para desengaho de errores comunes vol. ■ -1 b (Madrid, — 1726) discurso ■ 14; modern edition in BAE 56 (Madrid, 1883), p. 37; English translation from Three essays or discourses on the following subjects; A defence or vindication of ifre women, [2] church music, [3] a comparison;between antient and modern music. Translated from the Spanish of Feyjdo by a gentleman (Mr. Mitford] (Londoin, 1778), p. 127. Feijdo s essay on church music is discussed in ; Neil D. Pennington, The Spanish Baroque guitar with a trans- . cription of de Murcia^s^‘Passacalles y obras*1 (Ann Arbor, 1981), pp. 15-23. All of Feijdo's writings about music are discussed in Antonio Martfn Moreno, El padre Feijdo y las idealoqfas musicales del XVIII en Espaffa (Orense, 1976)v ^ ^

"

48.

y

~

"El primero, y mayor defecto es no hazerse cargo de la que ha de ser milsica ecclesidstica; tropezando con ayres, e ideas del teatro, atropellando con los sagrados cdnones, y sanctos padres: dste las mas yezes es por ignorancia. Tara nh in currir en tan grave nota, y que con facilidad podrfa passar a escdndalo; procure, que aquella composicidn

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‘

sea pausada, para que se fomprehendan las palabras; y tenga gran cuydado en huir los ayres que sean profanos, ni que tengan . tales resabios; dstosse conocen, quando incitan a baylar, y a meneos del cuerpo; en la estacidn presente se oyen muchas ~ vezes, en missas y psalmas." Francisco V ails, Kapa armtinico prdctico. Breve resumen de las principales reqlas de mdsica sacado de los m£s cldssicos autores, EMn M.1071 chap, 34, f . 279v. This manuscript was written In approximately 1742, which is the date of the introductory le tte r by Gregorio * Santisso Bermddez ( f . lr -3 v ). ",

/

,

49.

50.

"Nur mogte niemand gerne gutheissen,' dass eine Melodie . . . die bereits von tausend Leuten in Opern gehoret worden,. m ittelst einer Parodie, auf geistliche Worte gesungen wurde: . . . " Johann Mattheson, Per musicalische Patriot (Hamburg, 1728; facsimile edition, Leipzig, 1975), p. 109; English translation of this excerpt by Robert Falck, "Parody arid contrafactum: a terminological c la rific a tio n ", MUSICAL QUARTERLY 65 (1979), pp. 5-6. ^ vSee Josd Ldpez-Calo, "The Spanish Baroque and Francfsco V ails", MUSICAL TIMES 113 (1972), p. 353.

51.

"La quinta causa es, el continuo.desseo que tienen de saber cada dfa mds; y assf nunca se verdn estar ociosos los milsicos de Ita lia-, si no siempre occupados en componer, para poder dar en luz en cabo del ano alguna obrezilla nueva: como cada dfa se vena imprimir en Venecia y en Roma, sin las otras ciudades; y en tanto ntimero que es casi de no creer. Mas los espanoles, como tienen buena renta y buena plages, se dan mds a la vida regalada; y assf ho atenden mucho a componer missas, motetes ni otras cosas que sean de fa tig a , si no solamente se satisfazen con el componer en todo el ario media dozena de villancicos; sin hazer caso del tiempo que pierden." Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I , chap. 53, p. 152.

52.

V ails, E Mn M.1071 chap. 32, f . 267v-268v>nd 270v-271v.

53.

The manuscript score preserved at Barcelona Cathedral has the year 1702 notated on its title-page. This page is reproduced in L

.

*

.


According to the descriptions in Straeten vol. *2 (1888), pp. 216217; Pdrez Pastor, Biblioqraffa vol. 1 (1891), p. 387; Stevenson (1961), pp. 262-263; and Anglds (1968), p. 147, respectively. v

41.

Pdrez Pastor, Noticias vol. 4 (1926), p. 409.

42.

The books are described in Pdrez Pastor, Biblioqraffa vol. (1891), pp. 280, 310-311, 327, 337, 375, 379, and 398.

43.

Therefore, contrary to the suggestion by Nicolds AlvarezSolarQuintes,("Nuevas noticias de mdsicos de Felipe I I , de su dpoca, y^ sobre impresidn de mdsica", ANUARI0 MUSICAL 15 (1960), p. 208, the Plantin firm in the Netherlands did not exercise an exclusive continuous monopoly in this fie ld up through to the 18th century.

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1

145.

44.

The origfnVl documents in BARCELONA, Archivo de la Corona de Aragdn registro 4321, f . 226 (dated January 10, 1596), and registro 4323, f. 100 (dated June 14, 1598), are transcribed in Josd Marfa Madurell, “La imprenta musical en Espaha. Documentos para su estudio", ANUARIO MUSICAL 8 (1953), pp. 233234 and 235-236.

45.

The royal licence, dated November 4, 1617, is printed in Venancio Deslandes, Documentos para afhistoria da typographic portuqueza nos seculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon, 1888), pp. 124-125.

46t

According to the document in BARCELONA, Archivo de la Corona de * Aragdn registro 5931, f. 221v (dated February 20, 1684) which is transcribed in Madurell (1953), pp. 232-233.

47.

The large number of Flemish and German printers working in Spain during the 16th century is emphasized by Straeten vol. 2 (1888), pp. 219-227. • .

48.

In the realm of vocal polyphony Pierre Phalfcse issued three . { collections by one of the foremost Spanish musicians in the service of the Archduke Albert in Brussels, namely: Pedro Rimonte, Cantipnes sacrae IV. V. VI. et V II. vocum e>t Hierem'iae prophetae Lamentationes sex vfceum (Antwerp, 1607 ) r Missae sex IV. V. et VI. vocum (Antwerp, 1614); Parnaso espahol de madriqales, y viflancicos a quattro, jin c o , et seys (Antwerp, 1614). ~ Biblia sacra hebraice, chaldaice* graece e t la tin e , Philippi11^ req. cathol'. pietate at studio ad sacroSanctae ecclesia usum *. 8 vol. (Antwerp* 1569-1573). For a detailed account of this enormous project see Colin C lair, Christopher Plantin (London, 1960), pp. 57-86. According to C lair (1960), p. 95. See ClairJ(1960), pp. 110-112. The patent le tte rs , dated BrusselSj^Jun^IO, 1570, naming Plantin' to this position are printed in Ldon Degeorge, La maison P la n tin g Anvers. Monoqraphie complete de ‘cette, imprimerie cdldbre (3rd edition, Paris, 1886), pp. 38-40. ~ "

./' .52. '

53.

According to Stevenson (1961), p. 278 and p. 339 note 133. Sebastidn de Vivanco, Liber rnagnificarum (Salaqianca, 1607), Liber missarum (Salamanca, 1608), and [Liber motectorum] (Salamanca, 1610). Juan Esquivel Barahona, Missarum~7.. lib e r primus (Salamanca, 1608), and [ Motecta festorum et domincarumT (Salamanca, 1608). The contents of Vivancq's collections are discussed in Stevenson (1961), pp. 277-287. The other two sources are described by Robert J.'Snow, The 1613 print of Juan Esquivel Barahona (D etro it, 1978), pp. 93-95.

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54.

According to Decomposition are not known.

Its author and date of

According,to Hall this supplement survives '

■'■s ’-c

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8

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^

162.

e only in those editions of Amat's treatise which were issued after « 1700.20

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,

Notwithstanding^the success of his guitar treatise, music was not Amat's primary fie ld of endeavour.

On the title-page of the 1626

edition Juan Carlos Amat (in Catalan: Joan Carles Amat) describes himself as a medical doctor by profession.2*

According to archival

information summarized by Pujol, Amat was a prominent citizen of Monistrol (a town just north-west of Barcelona) where he resided from .1618 until his death in 1642.22 The 17th-century bibliographer Antonio claims that Amat was borri in Monistrol, studied at the University of Valencia, worked as a doctor at^Montserrat, and wrote a medical book entitled Fructus'medicinae ex variis Galeni locf5\decerpti which was published in Lyons in 1623.22 The same medical book is mentioned by Leonardo de San Martfn in his prefatory le tte r of 1639.

Leonardo also

praises Amat for his many other publications, including a small treatise on plague (issued in Barcelona) and a collection of 400 Catalan aphorisms.2^ The la tte r work was so successful that i t was reprinted many times.

The modern bibliographer Aguild y Fuster lis ts 16 editions

of i t , beginning with one issued in Barcelona in 1636 entitled Quatrecents aforismes cathalans, del doctor Joan Carles Amat.25 (b) Briceno (1626)

, .■

The qnly surviving exemplar* of Briceno's book is preserved at ; % .. .... F Pn (Rdserve Vm.8 u.l). Unfortunately folios 20 and 21 are missing ■ ' '• ■ : ■' " ■ ■ ' from i t . L i t t l e is known about Briceno's lif e . He was probably born .° -~v \ .’If ■ y- and raised in Spain. In 1626, rusing imagery based on the rpyal shields, Du Prd praises ^riceno for; having i^ ft the raging lion in favour of the -..„V

S?3;-&;

" ;fc .

j

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-\:$ k y ' S

't K

1v ^ ; ■■■y' '■r w : J : " > ‘ .i5 ? 3 §

163.

gentle fle u r-d e -lis .2^ a rriv a l in Paris.

I have been unable to ascertain the date of his

Presumably he was there by 1614, for in that year he

contributed a prefatory "soneto" to a^Parisian book written by Le Sieur de Moulfere.

For his own publication of 1626 Bricefto managed to obtain

the support of at least two French noblemen who held prominent posts at the court of Louis X I I I (see above, chap. 3, pp. 64-65). (

1

f .

■

Briceno and

'

his wife Anne Gaultigr had two sons"who were baptized in the Parisian parish of Saint-Sj^pice rn^Febrijdry of 1627.2® (c) Doizi de Velasco (1640) The only known exemplar o^ Doizi's treatise is preserved at E Mn (R.4042).

I t lacks an imprint*29. According to Anglds and SubirS the

coat-of-arms on the title-page is the Spanish roy/H shield of Naples.29 A handwritten note on the inside front cover statefc that the book was published by Egidio Longo in Naples in 1640 ("En/l5poleB, por Egidio Longo con licencia de los superiores 1640"). I/have assumed that this is correct.

The same information

is given/6y tjle 18th-century

bibliographer Barbosa Machado.2* the place and date of publication

century Antonio also lis ts as Naj

164Q^jlthough he cites the

t i t l e inTPortuguese.22 Some modern scholars mention a\second e d itio n p f 1645.22 However i t is doubtful that i t ever existetiN—References'to i t can be traced back to a puzzling remark made by Mitjana in the early 20th century.

He claimed that there was no trace of ^he 1640 edition at

E Mn, and that the only exemplar preserved there was issued by Longo in 'O’

Naples in 1645.2^ Mitjana was probably mistaken, for the only exemplar

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which survives today is E Mn R.4042.

Moreover, since this exemplar

belongs to the Barbieri collection, the lib rary would have acquired i t i

'

'

upon Barbieri's death in 1894. Doizi's contemporaries indicate that he was born in Portugal. For example, in one of the prefatory poems of the guitar treatise a Spanish nobleman praises him as the Portuguese Apollo.^® Doizi was proi>ab]xjin Madrid sometime before February of 1624, for he claims to have met Vicente Espinel there.^®

On the title-page of his treatise

4?i describes himself as chamber musician to the king and to the cardina4^infante. and Brussels. Felipe IV.

In the la tte r capacity he may have worked in Milan

The cardinal-infant? was Fernando (1609-1641), brother of

Fernando served in Barcelona as the viceroy of Catalonia

from 1632 to 1633", in Milan as the governor of Lombardy from 1633 to 1634, and in Brussels as the governor-general of tte'Netherlands from 1634 until his death on November 9, 1641.

The title-p ag e.o f the guitar

treatise further reveals that at the time of publication Doizi was working in Naples under the viceroy and lord chamberlain to the king, the duke of Medina de las Torres. there.

I t is not known how long Doizi stayed

Ramiro.Felipe Ntinez de JSuzmdn (died 1668), the second duke;of.;

Medina de las Torres, served as the viceroy of Naples from November of 1637 to May of 1644.^ ‘ Doizi dedicated his treatise to Margarita de Austria, Branchiforti y Colona, a prominent S icilian aristocrat of royal Spanish descent.

Doizi states that i t was ^it her home that he had

the opportunity of putting into practice many of his musical ideas. 38 For the remainder of his l i f e Doizi continued to serve Felipe IV •

•

s

and his representatives, even^though Portugal rebelled from Spain in

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rtZ¥*TO r

1640 and regained her independence.

On August 22, 1648, the king

himself authorized the following payment: I have decided that Nicolfis Doicl, my chamber musician for the [Spanish] crown of Portugal, be paid the wages of the said post from the beginning of the year 1641 onwards, in the same portion •'and in the same form as those which were issued and paid to Gaspar de Silva Vasconcelos, a Chaplain and musician who belonged to my royal chapel apd who went over to Portugal. Execute i t thus, by issuing,the o ffic ia l documents which are necessary for i t . [RubriQ^of Felipe IV .]39 In Madrid on July 7, 1652, Doizi acknowledged receipt of 81,006 "maravedfs".

He was paid from funds which were set aside for the

Portuguese chaplains belonging to the Royal Household of Castile.4® Doizi died sometime between 1652 and 1659.

On July 31, 1659, his widow

Catalina de Osma submitted a petition to the king concerning a royal pension.4*

Four years la te r his son Luis made another request'regarding

the pension.4^ (d) and (e) Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675) The guitar treatise by Gaspar Sanz consists of three "books".43 In th is s ti^ y I re fe r to Books I and I I as Sanz (1674), and to Book I I I as Sqnz (ca. 1675; reprinted 1697).

Book I I I contains only

"passacalles" and thus differs from the e a rlie r Sections.44 ■

’ .;'c

*■

From an

‘

■.

examination of the surviving exemplars, Garcfa-Abrines suggests that there may have been eight printings or editions of the treatise, a ll issued in Zaragoza between 1674 and 1697.45 According to his numbering, Book c,

•

I I f ir s t appeared in the third edition (with Book I) , and Book I I I f ir s t appeared in the fourth edition (with Books I and I I ) .

The title-pages of

the third and fourth editions have the imprint "Zaragoza, 167£".

However, *

as Garcfa-Abrines points out, they were not issued until the following ■' ' '■ ’ ...

:

'

. 'f

■

*

'

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‘•

\

year, s1nee the date 1675 appears, on three of the -engraved fo lip s.4b Sanz e x p lic itly bases much of his treatise on Ita lia n practices which he absorbed during his sojourn in Rome and Naples.^

According to

his own account, in Rome he met a ll the leading guitarists and learned the most from Leiio Colista (1629-1680).^

Re also claims to have

studied in Naples under the organist of the royal chapel', Christdval Carisani (i.e., probably Christoforo Caresana, ca. 1640-1709).^

Sanz

reveals that he was fa m ilia r with many Ita lia n music publications.

In

the preface of his treatise he alludes to the guitar books of Foscarini ( i.e ., Giovanni Paolo Foscarini), Caspergier (i.e., Johannes

,

Kapsberger), Pelegrfn (i.e ., Domenico P e lle g r in i), Granada (i.e ., Giovanni Battista Granata), Lorengo Fardino (?), and fin a lly , "the best of a ll" , Francisco Corbera ( i^ ., Francesco Corbetta).50

Moreover in

his section on accompaniment Sanz states that he has incorporated rules from such "maestros" as Horacio Veneboli,* chapel-master at St. Peter's in Rome (i.e., Orazto Benevoli), Pedro Ciano, orgcmiTt\in. Venice ( i . e . , Pietro Andrea Ziani), Leiio Colista, and Christdval Carisani,

a.

his teacher and royal organist in N a p l e s . ^ • * ... ; : i ;0n the t!tle-page of his treatise Gaspar Sanz.describes h im s e lf-

. . . .

.

as a native of Calanda (a town in south-east dragon) and a graduate in theology from the University of Salamanca.

For the publication of his

guitar treatise in Zaragozav Sanz sought the patronage of Juan de Austria (1629-1679) by dedicatiing the f i r s t six editions to him.

Juan de Austria,

the ille g itim a te son of Felipe IV, had taken up residence in Zaragoza as the vicar c^ier^l of Aragon in June of 1669 (as mentioned above, chap. 3, p. 63).

In the dedication Sanz claims that before travelling to

_

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e-rr—

■ ■■r:

■MBS

: ' •

» § fe p ......... ..

N

.

167 -

Ita ly he had already shown Juan de Austria some of his work.52 This suggests that Sanz made his Ita lia n tr ip sometime between.-1669 and 1674. In the early 19th -century the bibliographe^Latassa offered additional'information about the birth and output of, Sanz, but he did not 'p ro vid e any Substantiating evidence.53

Garcfa-Abrines accepts only some

of i t , but even he does not establish conclusively that i t concerns the same Sanz as the composer.

He does show that a Francisco Bartolomd Sanz

y Celma was baptized in Calanda on April 4, 1640.54. He also points out that a Gaspar Sanz wrote two religious books which were published in Madrid during the la te 17th century.

The f ir s t book, issued in 1678, is a Spanish

translation of a work by the Jesuit Daniello.Bartoli.55

The original

Ita lia n edition had f ir s t appeared in Rome in 1645.55 The second book 11 ' , c7 by Sanz, issued in 1681, is a panegyric for Pope Innocent XI.a/ ■7 . .* ■ ^ ■ V ' ( f ) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)

'

Despite many technical obstacles, Ruiz de Ribayaz managed have his treatise published in 1677.53 The book opens with a r*

theoretical section of 16 chapters in which Ruiz discusses the guitar (chap. 1-4 , pp. 1-20), the harp (chap. 5-9, pp. 21-37), and "canto de ' drgario"; or the rudiments of mensural music (chap. 10-16, pp. 38-64). The remainder of the book consists of solo instrumental dance-settings for guitar (pp. 66-102) and for harp (pp. 105-144).

The theoretical and

musical material for the harp w ill.b e discussed la te r in this study. The material fo r the guitar has been investigated by S trizich.5® In the r

'

guitar sections Ruiz draws extensively on the f ir s t two books of the treatise by Gaspar Sanz (1674).

In the preface Ruiz explains that,

because he is addressing beginners, he has simplified some of the topics

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li­ fe

discussed'by Sanz.®® Furthermore, in the musical section Ruiz includes 11 "punteado" pieces from the collection by Sanz.61 As Strizich,shows 1n his biographical summary* almost a ll the information which is known about Ruiz comes from the treatise its e lf.6^ On the title-page Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz states that he fs "a priest and’ prebendary of the collegiate church of Villafranca del Bierzo [a town ‘^orth-w'est of Astorga], and a native of Santa Marfa de Ribarredonda in thi^Vf-s^rict of Burfeba and the begs the

mountains of Burgos."In the preface he

reader's indulgence by describing himself as

has not practised music professionally.6^

an enthusiastwho

In the dedicatioa to the patron

saint of his church Ruiz provides the following autobiographical sketch: ... I graduated from the minor orders into the holy priesthood, in which status I learned some principles ofmusic which I acquired serving the counts of Lemos y Andrade, from whence (through th eir intercession and upon presentation by .th e ir most excellent patron don Fadrique de Toledo,’ marquis of Villafranca) I came to enjoy a prebend and a fte r having obtained this stipend, being your most submissive servant and chaplain, I practised in the'spare moments that my schedule allowed me, so as not to have those moments to ta lly idle ... ontablature, instruments and music, with the result that I have composed this book, v . ' In addition Stevenson has discovered that Riyz probably travelled to Peru in 1667 in the service- of :the new viceroy, P.edro FerriSndez de Castro (the 10th conde de Lemos and 6th conde de Andrade).66

An

archival l i s t of the viperoy's retinue for the New World, file d one month before he sd£ sail from Cadiz, includes the priest.Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz as one of the “gentilhombres de la cSmara".66

Ruiz later

claimed to have seen overseas provinces (see above, chap. 1, p. 1), which suggests that he did indeed travel to Peru.

He must have

returned to Spain some time before the publication of his treatise.

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Perhaps he le f t the New WorlcHtyst afte r the death of the viceroy Ferntfndez de Castro on December 6, 1672.

"

" ,

(g) Guerau (1694)

;

y- '

Guerau's guitar book differs from the e a rlie r Spanish publications in that a ll of its music i-s*designed for the advanced player.67 At the same time Guerau does include a b rief explanatory introduction for the beginner.66

In the prefatory material Francisco

Guerau makes three references to his own career.

His remarks are partly

supported by archival documents at E Mp which have been uncovered by Pennington.

First, on the title-page of the guitar book Guerau

describes himself as chaplain and musician in the royal chapel and chamber.

A palace document indicates that on February 25, 1693, Guerau

was indeed appointed to the "real cSmara" with a raise in salary.66 Second, in his dedication to Carlos I I , Guerau claims that he has served the crown for 35 years (i.e., since ca. 1659).76

Sim ilarly a petition

regarding his pension, submitted to the palace on July 10, 1717, states that Guerau had worked as a musician in the college for the choirboys of the royal chapel, known as the Real Colegio de los Cantorcicos, from 1656 to 17DO.7 *

Third, in the prologue of the guitar book Guerau

mentions that he had received musical training as a child.7^ According to Pennington, a Francisco Garau [sic] is listed as a "cantorcico" of the Real Colegio in a document dated February 1, 1660.76 Four other works of the period may well be by the same person who composed the guitar book under consideration. ^

A Francisco Guerau 7A

wrote a religious study which was published in Valencia in 1698./H A musical manuscript compiled during the early 18th century, consisting of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

secular vocal works by various composer^ includes two pieces by Garau [sic]7®

Another manuscript anthology from the same period preserves

only the soprano part ("tipie") of a three-voice secular song by Guerau. ‘ '

"

\

(h) E Mn M.2209 Antonio de Santa Cruz composed and produced this manuscript for one Juan de Miranda.^ ornate script.

He wrote i t in black and red ink, using a large

The musical pieces are notated fo r the five-course

guitar, which the title-page designates simply as "biguela hordinaria"-. This generic use of the term "vihuela" occurs in other sources as well. For example; in the early 18th century Nassarre employs the name "vihuela" to refer to gut-stringed instruments of fiv e , six, or seven courses.

Nassarre adds that the five-course instrument (known as the

"guitarra espafiola") d iffers from the others only in size and tuning.^ Santa Cruz opens his collection with a short introduction, but i t is not very i-nformative.

He merely emphasizes, the importance of careful

playing and warns the player not to strike the unmarked courses in certain chords:

v

■.

..V.

I declare that one of the things which one should try to attain on this instrument with study and care, is to play as cleanly as possible whatever one plays on i t . And in order that one may be able to acquire this to some degree, I w ill not omit to relate what time and experience have taught me. For this purpose I am setting down the advice which follows. One should certainly note that, both in composed works ["conposturas"] and 1n0"fantazfas", i t sometimes happens , that there are chords of four voices in which one of the r - w strings is le f t empty. Lfnless the said chord is played by the right hand with some care or neatness, that string which was blank w ill produce dissonance by grating with the others which are pressed down at th eir notes or ciphers. This is not only slovenly playing; it^also causes great harshness to

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.

&

0

.

v-* ,.;r: •’:...

the ear. I t seems to me that i t would be tedious to want to deal with a ll the chords' in which one should observe the advice just given. For the person who would lik e to understand 1t thoroughly, le t what I have ju s t said suffice to enable him to consider what I have neglected to say on th4e tftn4r this topic. *9

p

Santa Cruz do^jnot mention the.place or date of composition.. The chord chart, the ornament symbols, and the inclusion of "Marizdpalos" settings (D-282 and D-283) a ll indicate that the manuscript was almost certainly written after 1650. discussed be!ow^in pt. IV.)

(The popular song called "MarizSpalos" is On the other hand, the absence of French

dances indicates that i t was probably written before I70p,^ especially i f i t was prepared at the royal court.

Pennington suggests the narrower

(but leste certain) range Of ca. 1675-1700, on the basis o f three notational elements.

He points to the inconsistent manner of

representing the 11th fre.t, the use of two types of slurs ("suave" and "brebe"), and the application of vibrato to two notes simultaneously.®® For the purposes of chronology in this study, I have placed the Santa Cruz manuscript at the very end of the 17th century.

■■■■'*’

Unfortunately no biographical information has been uncovered about Antonio de Santa Cruz.

In 1633 one of the members of the royal

chapel was named Gerdnimo de Santa Crliz y Jajxardo, but i t is not known whether Antonio Was related to him.®*

Sim ilarly I have been unable to

establish anything about Juan de Miranda, the man for whom the manuscript was prepared.

Perhaps he was the court painter Juan Carreno de Miranda

(1614-1685) or a member of his family.

I am adding in this collection, after the "airs" by "monsieur" Le Cocq, some pieces by other masters who excelled in the last .century. One finds in those by "monsieur1 Frangois Corbet [i.e ., Francesco Corbetta] a great deal of . profundity. "Monsieur" Lelio [i.e ., Lelio Colista] has«added with his pieces a pleasant sweetness. I t seems to me that (^~^Miche)l Perez de Zavala [i.e ., Miguel Pdrez de Zavala], a V. Spanfard'and teacher of my honoured father in Madrid in ’-r approximately 1690, has imitated these two .excellent composers not badly. The pieces by "monsieur" Gaspar.Sanchez [i.e ., :Gaspar Sanz], also a Spaniard, and by "monsieur" Jean Baptiste Granata [i.e ., Giovanni Battista Granata], an Ita lia n , have th eir worth. The "chaconnes" and "passacailles" of the la tte r are .considered to be good,100

The four pieces attributed to Pdrez de Zavala in the anthology section are his only surviving works.101 (m) GB Lbm Ms Add.31640 This collection of guitar pieces by Santiago, de Murcia was prepared in the year 1732 for one Joseph Alvarez de Saavedra.10^ To some extent this manuscript and Murcia's book of 1714 are complementary. The 1732 manuscript lacks a theoretical section. -■

*.

Presumably the

•

*

material which opens the 1714 book is supposed to suffice. In turn, the , ' . f 1732 manuscript begins with 28 "passacalles" (P-118 to P-145), a genre .. V * which is absent in the 1714 book. The remainder of the 1732 manuscript .

*

consists of 103 piecesT grouped by mode or key, which resemble the stylized dance-settings of French and Ita lia n suites.

Two of the

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"allemandas" actually come from Robert‘de~VisSe's guitar book of 1682.103 Pinnell suggests that as many as ten pieces may come from the guitar works of Francesco Corbetta.

Some of the corresponding pieces v

.are closely concordant,‘while others are sim ilar only in a general w ay.l^

According to Russell, twenty-four of Murcia's pieces are

arrangements of guitar works by Frangois Campion published in Paris in 1705.1®3 Russell further states that fifteen of Murcia's pieces are ' based on guitar works by Frangois Le Cocq, which are preserved in the

‘

f ir s t part of B Be Ms 5615 (the source discussed in the preceding section).*®®

The importance of foreign music is also revealed by the

fact that Murcia includes guitar arrangements of five violin pieces from

\-

Arcangelo C o re lli’ s opus 5 (see Chart 26 below in chap. 8). (n) Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B

,

Various exemplars survive of the instrumental treatise by Minguet y.Yrol.

Unless otherwise specified, a ll my references are to.

. al4).*®7

the one preserved at GB Lbm (K. 8

The treatise is actually a,

composite work. vI t consists of seven parts wty’ch I have labelled A through G.

Each has its own title-page and d e a ls ^ ith a different topic

The overall design of the book may be summarized as follows:;

general

introduction (A), guitar (B), accompaniment (C), psaltery (D), bandurria (E), violin (F), and flu te and recorder (G). and G give the year of publication"as 1754. • are undated.

The title-pages of parts D The remaining title-pages

Part B is the only section to include the approbations,

licences, l i s t of errors, and pricing.

The dates of these documents 4 range from September 10, 1752, to May 25, 1753.*®3 Perhaps part B was

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177. ■

■

■■•

.

f i r s t issued alone in 1753.10®

V

‘

Y

On thefrontpiece of thecomposite work

Minguet states that each part^d ffiT ^treatise coTTId be bought separately (as pointed out above, chapJ 4, p. 129); > In the middle of the 18th •century Pablo Minguet y Yrol was one of

the most p ro lific engravers in

Madrid.He issued numerous booklets on

various subjects, as well as alarge composite treatise •

above, chap. 4," p. 129). %

■

on dancing (see

*

Minguet addressed a ll his works to the layman. *

.

•

At the beginning of the instrumental treatise he emphasizes the s e lfinstructional purpose of the book:

And thus, cuHous reader, i f you want to learn by yourself alone, without a teacher and practically withput an instrument,,how to play any of these instruments, take note of’ how I learned them;-.... When I was a boy, I-warrted to to learn how to play the guitar. I bought a booklet [i.e ., almost certainly an edition ofrAmat's treatise] which taught how to play i t in * the strumming manner. I went to a carpenter's apprentice (as •a maker of children's things) and from a wooden board I had him saw out it s fig u re .in the shape o f a " tip le " [ i. e ., a * type*of small g u ita r], attach its bridge and nut, and put on five tuning pegs. Afterwards I put on the necessary four frets , proportionally reduced. Then I put on single strings for the f ir s t , second, th ird , fourth, and f if t h courses. I opened my booklet, examined the method of tuning the guitar, and tuned i t neither well nor poorly. Then I proceeded to the chords and played them as best I could. After I had already learned how to play them a l i t t l e , I studied the "passacalle^'.'. I f I did not understand something or I had some doubt, I availed myself of someone who was knowledgeable and I had him explain i t to me. After I had learned some l i t t l e tunes ["tonadillas"] I bought a small guitar. I took , notice of another book, composed by the renowned guitar - composer Gaspar Sanz. (The most reverend father Feijdo and various musicians refer to him thus.)1,10 From i t I learned some small "rasgueado" and "punteado" pieces, and the rules of accompaniment. Afterwards I bought another book which was composed by "don" Santiago de Murcia, the "maestro", who served La Saboyana [i.e ., Queen Marie-Louise of Savoy], the • mother of our Catholic king "don" Fernando VI (may God preserve him). From thils .composer also I learned various fine "tocatas". For the rest of the instruments I had to avail myself o f some knowledgeable persons, inasmuch as no one has written about them.111

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—

Part B (the guitar section) consists of a title-p ag e, 6

unnumbered preliminary pages, 24 unnumbered pages-of text, and 10 unnumbered plates of charts and music.***

the text presents a set of

rules fo r "rasgueado"* playing (pp. 1-15) and a set for "punteado" playing (pp. 16-23).

Minguet takes most of this material verbatim from

e a rlie r Spanish books.

As'shown in Chart 2, his main sources are the •

treatises by Amat and Sanz.

# ■

* • .

Minguet la te r issued at least two revised

^

editions of part B. An exemplar of one of them -is preserved at the University of Toronto.*** publication.

Minguet does not give its date of

Instead he reuses the title-page from the e a rlie r version

of ca. 17-54', except th a t^ fte r the words "por milsica, y cifra" he inserts the phrase "al estilo castellano, italian o , cataldn, y francos".

This revised edition is valuable because Minguet adds tWo

new pages of text (pp. 25-26) in which he further explains his "rasgueado" notation.**^

He also adds "castellano" and "italiano"

symbols (discussed below) to the chord-chart on plate 1. Minguet published this edition sometime before 1774, for in that year.he issued i

•

a further revision of part B.

i

I t not only incorporates the same

additions, but i t also employs a new title-p ag e which specifies 1774 as the date of publication.**® ■■/

’

'

*'

*

*

Other Sources The lost sources of the 17tH century include a guitar book by F. Corbera en title d Guitarra espaflola, y sus diferencias de sones.

As ‘

both Mitjana*and Pinnell point out, the-Earliest reference to i t occurs in the bibliography compiled byilicolSs Antonio, who died in 1684.**®

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CHART 2 - Sources of the material in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B

Minguet (ca. 1754) B-

Regia 1, p. 1 Regia 2, pp. 1-2*

l ' !ii

Source

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) * chap. 1, p. 1 '. / [

. Topic

parts of the guitar stringing ' '

‘ Sanz (1674)-Regia 1, f.8 r-8v

Regia 3, p. 2

Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 1, pp. 2-3 and Sanz (1674) Regia 2, f . 8v

tuning

Regia 4, p. 3 V Regia 5, p. 3

Sanz (1674) Regia 3, f„9r

frets

'' ;

i

i Amat' (qa.v 1596) chap. 2, pp.. 3-4

11

chords

Regia 6V pp. 3-6

Amat (c a .•1596) chap. 3, pp. .5-9,

major chords

Hegla 7, pp. 6-8 . . . • \

Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 4,' V pp. 9-14 '

minor chords*

Regia 8, pp. 8^11

-Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 7» • pp. 23-28a*

transpositions

Regia 9-10, pp. 11-13

Sanz (1674). Regia 5^6, f.S v-lO r1

shifted chords

-Regia 11, pp. 14-15

[apparently new]

accompanying the violin

*•

Regia 12, p. 15

[apparently new];

five-course "tiple"

Regia 1, p. 16

Sanz (1674) Regia 1, f.llr

"punteado1^ tab! aturje

Regia 2, p. 16

SanZ (1674) Regia 2, f.llr -llv

right-hand technique

Regia 3, pp. 16-17

S^nz (1674) Regia 3, f.llv

left-hand technique

Regia 4, p. 17

Sanz (1674) Regia- 4, f.llv

t r i l l ("trino")

J

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-

h

180.

. v

CHART 2 (Cont'd)

Minguet (ca. 1754) B

4

1

Source

topic

Regia 5, pp. 17-18

[apparently new]

tablature;

Regia 6, p. 18

[apparently new]

fingering

Regia 7

[apparently new]

chord insertion

pp. 19-20

Regia 8, p. 20 Regia 9, pp. 20-21

Explicacidn de la lamina sexta, pp. 21-23

• [apparently ^iew] Amat (ca. 1596) Tractat breu chap. 4i pp. 55-56c

irive-tcourse "tiple" y six-course "vandola"

Murcia (1714), pp. 28-34°

scales

a Minguet substitutes a transposition chart of "Folfas espanoles" (D—113) for Amat's chart of "[Gu3rdame las] vacas" (D-202). °

Minguet notates the-chords by numbers instead of le tte rs .

c Minguet translates this Catalan chapter into C astilian. • Minguet summarizes Murcia's treatment of scales.

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Antonio does not give the jiJace or date of publication,'but he does claim that the book was dedicated to Felipe IV .* ^

Pinnell suggests

that this collection may represent the missing third book of Francesco Corbetta, which would place i t sometime between 1643 and >1648.

That

Corbetta at least travelled to Spain is supported by his own remarks in .

the Ita lia n preface to his La quitarre royal!e (Paris, 1671) and by the biographical description in his obituary which was published in the Mercure gal ant (A p ril, 1681).118 The treatises by Amat (ca. 1596), Sanz (1674), and Murcia (1714) » 'x • 1 —— emphasize the importance of^the guitar as an accompanying instrument. Each book aims to fa c ilita te such tasks as chord selection, bass realization, and transposition.

The reappearance of material from these

treatises in la te r Spanish sources reveals that during the 18th century accompaniment continued to be one of the primary functions of the guitar.

For example, Amat's elementary explanations fo r the novice

became known throughout the peninsula.

In eastern Spain his treatise *

was reprinted many times during the 18th century (as mentioned above in this chapter, p. 161).

Minguet y Yrol incorporated several sections

from Amat in his own instrumental treatise issued in Madrid in ca. 1754 (as shown, above in Chart 2).

Later in Madrid Andrds de Sotos >slightly

modified Amat's entire treatise (including material from the Catalan supplement) to produce a guitar book w^ich he issued under his own name in 1764.

The only section which does not come from Amat is the fin al

chapter, in which Sotos discusses the five-course " tip ie " .^ 8 Similarly., in Lisbon Pita de Roche issued an unacknowledged Portuguese translation of Amat's treatise in 1752.*20

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;

* v- The more sophisticated explanations of Sanz (1674)-and.Murcia. (1714) were also valued during the 18th century. * A manuscript written in 1726 reproduces the complete didactic section of Murcia's book (pp. 5-56).121

In the middle of the century extracts from both7

' ■

treatises appear verbatim in the composite instrumental book of Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754).

The borrowings in part ,B (the guitar section) have

been noted above in Chart 2.

The borrowings in part C (the

accompaniment section) are also extensive and accoun^mir most of the work, as Minguet himself.acknowledges.122 From Sanz he repeats the rules of accompaniment.12® From Murcia he reproduces most of the discussion of meter.124s Another source which preserves material from •' '* ' •1 Sanz and Murcia is an undated work compiled by Manuel Valero, a native of Muniesa (a town justreast of Daroca itf'^/tragon).12® Valero probably wrote i t shortlyaafter the death of the Jesuit Francisco de Gerdnimo on *■ May 11, 1716. The twelve preliminary folios present an engraved po rtra it of the then deceased Gerdninjo followed by a collection of religious poems.12® The main body of the work, consisting of 41 pages of text and 40 folios of examples, concerns the guitar.

I t is nothing

but a compilation qf sections taken verbatim, but without acknowledgement, from Sanz (the rules for "rasgueado" playing, v ‘ .. \ "punteado" playing, and accompaniment) and from Murcia (the complete didactic section).127

The only exception is the fin a l fo lio , where

Valero describes a customary method of tuning the guitar with octaves in the fourth and f if t h courses.12® Valero's work in turn was copied .

.-

without acknowledgement by Joseph Trapero in 1763.129 As i t stands Trapero's manuscript includes ^erything but the title-p ag e, most of the

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preliminary fcflios, and the fin al fo lio on tuning.

These folios may

have been copied as well and la te r lost, ..The precise correlation of Trapero's manuscript with the treatises of Sanz and Mur.cia (but without the intermediate Valero) is given by Pennington.*30

Temperament and Tuning -

^

——•

From the outset the iiorma^tuning and frettin g of the fiv e course guitar probably approximated equal temperament.

During the late

17th and early 18th centuries many Spanish theorists, such as Zaragoza (1675), Tosca (1709), Ulloa (1717), Nassarre (1724), and Vails (ca. 1742), assert that the guitar employs equal semitones.^ Furthermore one can infer equal temperament from the apparent enharmonic equivalence of accidentals in the theoretical section of Murcia's guitar book of 1714j

For example, for the pitches produced by the five courses

stopped at the eleventh fr e t, Murcia gives the following diagram in

tablature:^2

Nevertheless, in his failu re to discuss temperament e x p lic itly , Murcia resembles a ll but one of the e a rlje r Spanish guitarists.

Only Doizi de

Velasco provides a detailed technical treatment of the' subject.

In a

theoretical discussion in which he refers to the Neopolitan treatise.by Cerreto, Doizi describes three differen t tuning systems or divisions of the octave.

He states that the guitar and other fretted' string

/'

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. instruments employ th&itbird division, which'Conpfsts Of equal. semitones.1?3 He prafises the guitar -for its equal temperament because i t enabfes the player to acpbmmodate singers by/transposing music to any ' pitch-level.

Doizi dismisses its minor discrepancies with the

/ * theoretical- genera (diatonic, chromatic; and enharmonic) as being negligib!e .in prqctice.. He concludes that fa c i1ity rin tranSposition. m erits much more study than refinement in tuning of a comma or less.13^ Although the pther guitar sources do not discuss temperament, most of them do describe the. normal tuning of the instrument.135 All the explanations give the same basic intervals between successive courses, namely (beginning with the f if t h course), perfect fourth, perfect fourth,-major th ird , and perfect fourth.

Moreover, whenever

they mention or imply note-names, they a ll agree that the f if t h course ii-u 136 At the same time ambiguities and differences produces the pitch "a1 arise concerning the number of strings per course, as well as the octave register of the strings within the fourth,and f if t h courses.

Assuming

one string for the f ir s t course and two for the others, one can distinguish three different tunings (see musical example 9). The earliest and most common tuning employs two bourdons, one in each,.of the fourth and f if t h courses, as shown in musical example 9(a), Amat gives e x p lic it instructions for i t at the end o f the 16th century: This Spanish guitar of five courses is composed of nine strings: one in the f ir s t course, called "prima", and two in the other courses, which we call "segundas", "terceras", "quaqtas", and "quintas". The "segundas" and "terceras" within themselves are at one and the same pitch [i.e ., in unison]. However, since the "quartas" and "quintas" each contain a thick string, thede courses are not pqual in the same manner as the "segundas^and "terceras"; for the thick strings are an octave lower than th e ir companions, the other s trin g s .... r

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Jaj Mo •_

5L_

Quo.

k„..

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186. ,

.

F irst, take the "terceras" (which are the strings of the third course set at one and the same pitch) at the second fr e t and with them tune the "quintas". The string which is thinner should be equal so that i t is at one and the same tone and pitch, and the *hick string should be an octave lower-than its companion. Next, taking the "quintas" at the second fr e t, tune the "segundas" by putting its strings at one and the same pitch. Next, take the said "segundas" at the third fre t and with them tune the "quartas" in this manneV: the thin string equal, and the thick string an octave lower than its companion. Taking the "quartas" at the second fr e t, tune the "prima" (which is the f ir s t course) also at one arid the^ame pitch. This guitar w ill now be completely tuned.1 . Although Doizi de Velasco does not explain how to tune the guitar, he does recommend-the use of bourdons in the fourth and f if t h courses.

He

argues that the resulting large range adds sonority to the chords and fa c ilita te s the playing of im itative contrapuntal passages ("fugas").1^ Later Ruiz de Ribayaz also calls fo r octaves in the fourth and f if t h courses.

In_a verbose style he presents the same tuning method as

Amat.1^

At the end of the 17th century Guerau does not provide any

tuning instructions in his guitar book.

Nevertheless, a passing

reference in his discussion Of "punteado" fingering suggests that he too employs octaves in the fourth and f if t h courses:

'

Third, the diminution ["glossa"] which you perform with the index and middle fingers should be done by alternating them; for i f one finger gives a $reat many strokes, i t w ill not be able to be nimble or neat. Observe that i f you are v glossing from the f ir s t course downwards, i t should be with these fingers until the fourth course; and from there downwards i t should be with the thumb performing a ll the strokes. I f you are glossing from the bourdons [my emphasis] upwards, i t should be with the thumb until the second course; and from there upwards i t should be with the index and middle fin gers.140 , .

A second tuning system is re-entrant and USes no bourdons.

The

strings within the fourth and f if t h courses are tuned in unison at the higher octave, as shown in musical example 9(b).

This arrangement seems

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187.

to be the one which Bricefio describes in his book, although the terseness of his instructions precludes a definitive interpretation F irs t, set the two "terceras" in unison. Then place your finger on th eir fourth fr e t and tune them in unison with the open "segundas1*. „ For the "prima", place your finger on its third fr e t and make i t sound an octave, at one and the same pitch, with the. open-"terceras". * For the "quartas", place your finger on the third fr e t of the "segundas" and make them sound in unison with the open "quartas". For the "quintas", place your finger on the second fr e t of the "terceras" and make tham sound at one and the same pitch with the open "quintas". In 1674 Sanz e x p lic itly discusses the re-entrant tuning which lacks bourdons.

He associates i t with Roman practice and recommends that i t

be used for "punteado" playing.

At the same time he also discusses the ^

tuning which employs bourdons in the fourth and f if t h courses.

He

associates i t with Spanish practice and recommends that i t be retained for "rasgueado" playing: There are many ways of stringing, because those masters in Rome only string the guitar with thin strings, without putting any bourdon .in the fourth or f if t h courses. In Spain, i t is the contrary, because some use two bourdons in the fourth, and others two in the f if t h , and at least, as is usual, one in each course. These two methods of stringing are good, but for different effects. For he who wishes to play the guitar to perform noisy popular music ["miisica ruidosa"] or to realize the bass of some "tono" or "sonada", the guitar is better with bourdons than without. But i f anyone wishes to play in the plucking manner with grace and sweetness, and use "campanelas" (which is the modern method now used in composing), the bourdons do not come out w ell, but only the thin strings, both in the "quartas" and , "quintas", as I have experienced a good d eal.142 The reason is, that i f there is a bourdon i t impedes the . making of t r i l l s ["trinos"] and slurs ["extrasinos"] and other gallantries of the le f t hand, because one string is thick and the other thin, and the hand cannot press evenly and control one thick string as i t can two thin ones, furthermore, i f with bourdons you form the le tte r or chord E, which is "delasolre" [i.e ., a D minor tria d ], the open f if t h

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course produces the interval of a fourth in the bass [because i t gives as the lowest sounding note the pitch "a", which is the f if t h of the tria d ] and w ill confuse the principal bass, and w ill be imperfect according to the teaching of ■ counterpoint.143 And so you can choose whichever manner o f the two pleases you, according to your intention in playing.144 Sanz proceeds to give tuning instructions which are sim ilar to those in Amat but Which make no mention ojf bourdons.14® A third tuning system occurs outside~of Spain in the, manuscript compiled by Castmion.

I t Uses only one bourdon, which is placed in

the fourth course.The strings of the f if t h course are at thehigher octave, as shown in musical example 9(c).

tuned in unison, This re-entrant

arrangement is characteristic of French sources beginning in the middle of the 17th century.146 Castmion presents this tuning in s ta ff notation near the end of his introduction.14^ At the same time

-

Casti11 ion suggests that one can also employ a bourdon in' the f if t h course — as he himself does — in order to increase the sonority of the instrument:

s '

I consider i t fittin g to record that ofYthe five courses of strings which belong to the guitar the f ir s t one, which remains single with only one string, should consist of a thinner string than a ll the other courses.... All the other courses or strings can be of the same thickness; but one must take care to put a [lower] octave with the fourth, string, for i t is absolutely necessary there. There are even some enthusiasts, whose example I follow, who in a sim ilar manner put aJTower] octave with the f if t h string. They call i t a "boiircron". At the third course they also place strings whch are a T ittle thicker, but in which the difference is not so perceptible. All this produces a fu lle r sound in the guitar and gives i t a harmonious charm. And in order to give more. sound to this instrument I thicken the two [lower] octaves, which I-place at the fourth and f if t h courses, by means of a slender thread of brass or s ilv e r, ...V 140 *

The tuning systems described in each guitar source of this study are listed in Chart 3.

Five of the sources do not contain specific

-\

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

CHART 3 - Guitar tunings in the Spanish sources

_

Source

Tuning within the courses3

Amat (ca. 1596), pp. 1-3

two bourdons

Briceflo (1626), f . 5r

(no bourdons)

Doizi de Velasco (1640), pp. 16-17

two ^otrrdons

Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675), f . 8r-9r

twoxbourdons*or no. bourdons

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), pp. 11-12 i < Guerau (1694), f . *5r

two bourdons

E Mn M.2209

not specified

E Mn M.811 ...

not specified

Murcia (1714)

not specified

E Be M. 691/2 (4).

not specified

B Be Ms 5615, pp. v-vi and xiv

one bourdon or two bourdons

GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640

not specified

Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B, pp. 1-2

two bourdons or no bourdons

a

(two bourdons)

Inferred information which is not ex p lic it in the .sources is given in parentheses.

0:

;

'

;V;-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Instructions.

For them, i t would be appropriate to follow the

recommendations given by Sanz, discussed; above/

In particular, one

-

should almost certainly use the tuning system without any bourdons for those pieces which incorporate "cahipanel&s" passages. "Rasgueado" Notation "Rasgueado" and "punteado" settings employ different methods of notation.

Yet in both systems many of the symbols are devised

especially for the guitar. .

A consideration of the sociological context

of the sources helps to account for certain general features of the notation.

As T re itie r points outs:

... the understanding of a musical notation requires that . we see in i t a system of signs working through a hierarchy of modes of representation whose composition w i l l be a function of the use that is made of the notation, the characteristics of the music to which i t refers, the relationship between that music and its practitioners, and the types and degrees of competence of the practitioners. These variables can interact in different ways in a single h is to ric a l situ atio n , ... 0

,

Most of the guitar sources are directed to the novice or to the skilled player who lacks training in the rudiments of music theory.

As a result

the music is notated with elementary signs in some sort of tablature. (The s u ita b ility of tablature notation is discussed above, chap. 3, pp. 88-89.)

In addition most of the pieces in theNjuitar sources are

well-known popular dances.

This ^llows for a notation which is 1

skeletal, either in the meaning of some of its symbols or in its application to particular settings. In the "rasgueado" pieces pitch is*”clearly notated by means of chord-symbol s. sources.

Three differen t sets are prominent in the Spanish

The f ir s t , 'called the Catalan system by Minguet y Yroi:, is ’,

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shown in Chart 4. or a "b".

I t uses the numbers 1 to 12 followed either by an "n"

This system f ir s t appears at the end of the 16th century in

•the guitar book by Amat (ca. 1596).151

The numbers correspond to chord-

roots (beginningvwith the root "e") which proceed through a cycle of ascending fourths.

The le tte r "n" designates a major triad ("punto *

natural"), and the le tte r "b" designates a minor one ("punto .b mollado").

The system contains one major and one minor triad for each

pitch-degree of the octave.

After explaining how to play each chord on

the guitar, Amat presents a summary in the form of a circular chart. Here he employs a stylized version of Ita lia n "punteado" tablature, with the outermost ring representing the f if t h course and numbers representing the fr e ts .* ^

the middle of the 18th century Minguet y

Yrol (ca. 1754) defines the same set of chord-symbols by means of the •«

•

5-

usual type of Ita lia n "puntead^,tablature.

The resulting chords are

identical to those in Amat except for' the voicing of chords "5n" and . "5b" (as shown below in musical example 2, pp. 208 and 2 1 2 ).*^ The second set of chord.-symbols, called the Castiljian system by Minguet y Yrol, is shown in Chart 5.

I t uses the

numbers 1 to 9 and a

few other symbols, such as "X" or "10" (i.e., the number ten, called "diez"), "+" (i.e ., a cross, called "cruzgdo"), and "P" (called "patilla").

The set of symbols and resulting chords d if f.e r* somewhat a•

among the sources.

The system was f ir s t published in the early 17th

century in the guitar book by Briceno (1626).

He uses 13 symbols to

represent 16 chords (10 major triads, 5 minor triads, and 1 added-sixth chord).

He defines them by means of a chord-chart written in French

^ .ta b la tu re , with the highest lin e representing the f i r s t course and

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CHART 4 - The Catalan chord-symbol sVin the Spanish guitar sources

Symbol

Resulting triad Amat (qa. 1596)

In 2n 3n 4n 5n 6n 7n 8n 9n lOn lln 12n Tb 2b 3b 4b 5b 6b 7b 8b 9b : io b lib 12b

.

. 4 • ^

Minguet (ca. 1754) B

E+ 'A+ D+ G+ C+ F+ B+ Eb+ Ab+ Db+ F*+ B+ E -. ■ ADGCFBbE - . Ab-

E+ » : vv A+ D+ G+ • C+ ' F+ Bb+ Eb+ Ab+ • Db+

F#+

B+ EADG-

. ■-J"

c-

F-* BbEbAb; Cf . T *B-

C*F*B-

■'

•

#

.

j'.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

CHART 5 - The Castilian c,hord-symbols in the Spanish guitar sources

'•

Symbol

Briceno (1626)

Resulting Triad Sanz (ca. 1675)

G+2 .....

G+ or Ab+

1 lb 2

C+

2b F+

4

Bb+ or B+-

5

■D-

• •; G+

G+

G-

—

C+

C+

c+

C+

c-

—

—

F+

F+ *•

F+ .

Bb+

Bp+-

Bb+

D-

D-

A-

A-

E+

E+

;

D-

D-

A-

A-

.

.

—

6

\

a-

7

r

E+

E-

E+

F*"

B-

B+

—

B+

B-

—

F%

—

Fff+

—

B-

8 9

\

X

:

—

-- ■

-io

*

Minguet (ca. 1754)B1

G-

, Bb+

'

E Mn M. 2209

G-

F+

3

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)

.

B-

---- ;•

—

Bb-

' —

4

D+ or E ^

D+

’ D+

D+

D+

P

A+

A+

A+

A+

A+

G

C-

—

—

*

G+ with an added 6th

--

— — '

Revised edition (exemplar preserved at University of Toronto).

2 Ruiz uses the symbol "1" to represent two different chords: a pure G+ triad and a G+ chord with a dissonant "a" in the bass.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

letters representing the f r e t s . ^

In addition to pure triads Briceno

includes one ^dded-sixth chord, Which he represents by the unusual symbol

Another distinctive feature of his system is that he employs

three of the symbols ("1", "4“, and "+") to represent two different chords each.

Within each pair the chords areT a semitone apart.

Thus,

in a given setting the novice woul.d readily be able to resolve any ambiguity by tr ia l and error.

Another version of the Castilian system

appears in_the instrumental ♦book by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677).

By means of

verbal explanations and a chart written in Ita lia n "punteado" tablature, Ruiz defines a set of 14 chords (9 major triads, 4 minor triads, and one other chord).^5 G+ chord:

He employs the symbol "1" to represent two f^rms of a

one. is a pure tria d , while the other is dissonant with the

pitch "a" in the^bass.

The dissonant form is not a misprint, for as

well as defining i t in tablature Ruiz also describes i t verbally. However he neglects to explain when i t should be used instead of the pure triad .

Perhaps he provides the dissonant form for the benefit of

beginners, since i t is easier to produce physically.

In the dissonant

form, only two fingers stop the strings (i.e., the f if t h finger stops the f i r s t course at the third fr e t, and the fourth finger stops the second course at the third fre t).

The pure form is more awkward to play,

because three fingers of the le f t hand must stop the strings '(tCel, in addition to the fingers used in the dissonant form, the index finger must stop the f if t h course at the second f r e t ) . ^ sim ilar symbol for a pure G- triad.

Ruiz also uses a

By representing i t with the symbol

"lb" (i.e ., "uno vemolado"), he e x p lic itly shows its harmonic relationship with the G+ triad in the'same manner as in the Catalan

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system. During the second half of the 17th century passing references to the Castilian symbols occur in two other guitar sources.

Sanz (ca.

1675; reprinted 1697) and Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209) employ "alfabeto" symbols (discussed below), but they both-mention some of the corresponding Castilian symbols in the title s of th e ir pieces. Castilian symbols continue to appear in the middle of the 18th century in the instrumental treatise by Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754).

He uses them

in four of his guitar pieces (D-88, D-115, D-262, and P-37). Furthermore, in a revised edition of the guitar Section Minguet supplements his Catalan chord-chart by adding 12 corresponding Castilian symbols.

Except for the absence of the symbol "lb" and the dissonant

form of.the symbol "1", Minguet presents the same set as that given by Ruiz de R ib a y a z.^ ■ ♦ . • V The third set of symbols, often called "alfabeto" or "abecedario" in the Spanish sources, is shown in Chart 6.

I t uses the

letters of the alphabet and a few other symbols, such as a cross ("+") and an ampersand ("&").

The quantity of letters varies among the

sources, but each symbol always represents the same basic triad. Minguet y Yrol calls i t the Ita lia n system because of its provenance. "Alfabetto" was the standard method of notating strummed guitar chords in Ita ly throughout the 17th and early 18th centuries.

The system was

f ir s t published in Florence in 1606 in the guitar book by Montesardo. -He presents a set of 27 chords defined in Ita lia n "punteado" tablature. Montesardo provides two voicings for six of the triads (namely, C+, E+, E-> F+, G+, and A+), but three other triads are absent altogether (namely, C^-, Eb- , and Ab-).^ ®

The Ita lia n system makes its f ir s t

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CHART 6 - The Ita lia n or "alfabeto” chord-symbols " in the Spanish guitar sources Symbol

'

Resulting triad Sanz (1674)

E Mn M.2209 .1 \ / £_

E Mn. * Murcia M.8111 (1714)

,+

E-

A

G+

G+

G+

B

C+

C+

C

D+

D

Amat (ca. 1596) Tractat breu

Minguet (ca. 1754) Bz

E-

E-

E-

G+

G+

G+

C+

C+

C+

C+

D+

’ D+

D+

D+

A-

A-

A-

A-

A-

A-

E

D-

D-

D-

D-

D-

D-

F

E+

E+

E+

E+

E+

E+

G

F+

F+

F+

F+

F+

F+

E-

Hv

Bb+

H2

'— ■

I

A+

k

Bb-

Bb+

Bb+

—

—

' Bb-

’ , .

—

—■

G2

'

Bb+

D+

' Fff+ Bb+

Bb+

B+

A+

A+

A+

A+

Bb-

Bb-

. Bb-

BbB-

K2 L

c-

C-3

M

Eb+

Eb+

M b M

eK

_

M+

--

N + N

Ab+

Eb+

C-

C-

C-

Eb+

Eb+

Eb+

__

I

Ab-

Ab+

--

Eb-

—

---

—

Eb-

Ab+

Ab+

Ap+

Ab+

'— .

—

— .

--

•,

Eb-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

CHART 6 (Cont'd)

Resulting triad

Symbol

\ Sanz (1674)

E Mn M.2209

N

--

—,

N+

—

—

0

G-

P

F-

--

At -

—^

—

G-

G-

G-

G-

.G“

F-

F-

F-

F-

F-

■

Q

—

R

—

S

—

T

--

—

-. —

—

Db+

'

■

—

Db+

'' -h .

—

C #-

•» &+

.

-7

"T

, —~

F#-

——

G+

' —£

C+

----

D b+

B b+

’

_r

-- -

—

—

F#-

D b+ '

e# -

--

--

--

c#-

*

&

^

.

B-

;; —

—

A+

Y

Z

Ab-

— r

E+

--

——

•

and reso­ lution.^®®

Doizi then uses Ita lia n "punteado" tablature to present 12

chord-charts, one for each le tte r.

He includes b rie f verbal phrases

summarizing the in te rv a llic structure of each chord as in figured-bass notation.1®*

Doizi generates such a large number of chords by u tiliz in g

two playing techniques. finger.

F irst, he often employs barring with the.index

He suggests that barred chords be called "consonancias compuestas"

as opposed to "consonancias simples".*®?

To indicate barring in his

"punteado" tablature he introduces a new notational devt^e: 7. Whenever one finds th/same number on a ll five lines [of the tablature], i t means that the index finger must be

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206.

extended, pressing a ll the strings, on that fr e t which is indicated by the quantity of the number, and the remaining fingers,must be placed according to the numbers which follow .183 Second, Doizi forms many chords-by omitting one or more courses.

Here

too he introduces notational innovations in his "punteado" tablature: 6. In the tablatmre with which one is generally taught "punteado" playing, nt is customary to place a zero on the string-which is to, be played open, and no sign on the string which is not to be played.-184 However I have not been able to follow this general rule, since in the method of playing by chords i t is appropriate for its greater perfection that in some of them [i.e ., especially in some barred chords]yone does not strike some string even though i t is stopped. Thus the string which has an "x" should not be played even i f i t is stopped by some finger, and the string which does not have an "x" or any other cipher should be played open.185

'

Many of the chords which omit one or more courses cannot be produced by strumming.

They must be plucked.

Thus only by combining "rasgueado"

and "punteado" playing does Doizi achieve sufficient control over the : voicing to be able to avoid the use of six-four chords in place of• rootposition or first-inversion triads.188

His entire complex system

consists of 228 chords, 19 for each pitch-degree.

In order to sim plfiy

matters for the person lacking proficiency in theory or practice (i.e., "el cantante"), Doizi provides a smaller chart of 60 chords at the end of his treatise. pitch-degree. as follows:

I t contains an equivalent set of 5 chords for each

For the pitch "g" the-symbols (and resulting chords) are "a" (major_triad in root position), "al" (minor triad in

root p o s itio n ),

"a2" (minor triad in f ir s t inversion), "a4" (diminished ■»

triad in f ir s t inversion), and "a9" (dominant seventh in f ir s t inver­ sion).18^

Doizi's chord-symbols and notational innovations do not appear

in any other guitar sources.

During the second half of the 17th century

Sanz (1674) praises some aspects of Doizi's treatise but rejects his

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

symbols in favour of the widely used Ita lia n "alfabeto".*®®

Sanz and

other guitarists did u tiliz e "punteado" playing for a more precise style of accompaniment.' However, instead of devising new symbols, they'simpfy spelled out the part in "punteado" tablature. The chord-charts given in the Spanish sources are transcribed in —

musical example 10.

Since the guitar was probably tuned in equal

temperament I have assumed that enharmonic equivalence holds. :

^

Furthermore throughout this study I have transcribed the guitar music as i f each course consisted of a single string tuned at the lower octave, n

/> "

'

regardless of the actual tuning within the courses. I

—

--------------- —------- “In-contrast-to-the-clear-representationof—p itc h -in th e —rasgueado11— pieces, the notation of other elements of the music is often obscure,

>

\

incomplete, or lacking altogether.

For instance, the collections by Amat

(ca. 1596), Bricefio (1626), and Doizi de Velasco (1640) do not indicate the direction of the chord-strums.

The treatise by Sanz (1674) is the

f ir s t Spanish publication to employ symbols for this purpose.

Here the

"rasgueado" tablature is b u ilt around a single horizontal line.

Sanz

explains that a short vertical dash running below the tablature ("

.•

")

means that one should strum downwards (i.e ., towards the flo o r), while a . short vertical dash running above the tablature (" should strum upwards.^

i

") means that one

He also applies the same method for the

strummed chords in his "punteado" pieces by placing the appropriate vertical dashes on the lowest line of the tablature.

Sanz adopted these symbols from

Ita lia n practice, where they were standard since the early 17th century. For example, they are used and explained in the published guitar books .by Colonna.^®

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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213.

\

Later Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), Guerau (1694), Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209), and the anonymous E Mn M.811 a l l follow Sanz in employing the same type of strum-symbols, although only Ruiz e x p lic itly explains th eir meaning.*®*

Ruiz further states that, regardless of direction, one 1Q? should perform the strums, with a ll the fingers/of the right hand. c

Somewhat different strum-symbols, also Ita lia n in origin, occur in Murcia (1714).

For the strummed chords in his "punteado" pieces Murcia

moves the durational symbols onto the fiv e -lin e tablature and immediately to the right of the.chord-letters.

father than adding short

vertical dashes, he uses the stem-direction of these durational symbols r

to represent the, strum-directi on. while "J" indicates an up-strum.

Thus "f" indicates a down-strum, This method is also employed in E Be

M.691/2 (4) and B Be Ms 5615. The "rasgueado" sources exhibit various degrees of completeness in th eir notation of rhythm.

At one end of the spectrum Amat (ca. 1596)

and Doizi de Velasco (1640) do not use any rhythmic symbols at a ll in th eir tablatures.

Following Amat's example, Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754)

provides only abstract chord-sequences for two dance-songs which serve )" • to illu s tra te the process of transposition (D-113 and P -l). Sim ilarly Bricefio (1626) omits a ll rhythmic indications in the closing seven songs of hjs book (including D-388).

In tiie fin al song he does not even

supply the chord-symbols.*®^ At the other end of the? spectrum Sanz (1674) fu lly notates the rhythm in his "rasgueado" works by means of mensuration signs, barlines, and durational note-symbols.

He sim plifies traditional theory by

confining himself to two mensuration signs, namely, "C" ("compasillo")

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

214. and "3" ("proporcidn").

For the benefit of those who do not understand

musical rudiments and who play the rhythms mainly by ear, Sanz Includes the following b rief explanation: All the pieces are reduced to two meters or mensurations. They are "compaslllo" and "proporc1 ( ca. 1754) B

Symbol

Name

P or p f

or p

J or J1 K

,

Meaning

[not (specified] ■ \

down-strum with index finger

[not specified]^,

down-strum with four fingers

[not specified]

up-strum with;. > thumb

redoble

a double strum (up-down) with thumb

I

1

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

they.probably signify some special fingering for the down-strums. Additional symbols also appear in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B. They are listed in Chart 8(b).

Minguet uses them in the notation of

five of his "rasgueado" pieces (D-88, D-115, D-116, D-262, and P-37). The exemplar preserved at GB Lbm does not explain them.

Fortunately in'

a revised edition of his treatise Minguet defines the symbols clearly:

.4

/B e advised that the notes or signs whose ta ils or stems point downwards [ i. e ., T " or "p"] s ig n ify th a t one has to * play the strums dowriV/ards with the index finger. The ones which have a small dot above them [ i . e . , "f 11 or "p "] are to be played with the four long fingers. The ones whose ta ils point upwards [ i.e ., "J " or " i1"] mark the strums which should be played upwards with the thumb. The ones which have a type of hook or crook [ i.e ., "J'" or " P "] are to be played more quickly. The ones which have some small dots which go up to the following note [i.e , "Jv. "] signify a "redoble", i f one wishes to play i t . This is performed with the thumb by raising i t upwards striking the strings, and then at once playing a strum downwarcls without delay. I t should also be noted that when one plays ti^ said strums the fingers of the V, hand are curled a l i t t l e , in order to strike against the strings with the smooth surface of the nails. 05

^

.

Thus in this system an unadorned strum-symbol represents a strum played with one finger.

This d iffers from the ea rlie r practice described by

Ruiz de Ribayaz in which the strums are normally played with a ll the fingers of the right hand (as mentioned above, p. 213).

"Punteado" Notation Guitar music for "punteado" playing is notated d ifferen tly than that for "rasgueado" playing.

In the "punteado" pieces pitch is clearly^

shown by means oT a fiv e -lin e tablature.

The Spanish sources a ll employ1^ ■3 ■

the same system, known in the secondary lite ra tu re as Ita lia n tablature. The highest line represents the f if t h course, and numbers represen^the frets.

A zero stands for ah open course.

In Murcia's collection o f -1714

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

the symbols "x" and "jj" represent the tenth and eleventh frets respec­ tively.

Brief explanations of this type of tablature are provided by

Sanz (1674), Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), Guerau (1694), and Murcia (1714).206 A different system occurs outside of Spain in B Be Ms 5615.

I t is known

in the secondary litera tu re as French tablature.. As Castillion explains in his preface, the highest line represents the f ir s t course, and letters represent the frets.

The le tte r "a" stands for an open course.2^

In "punteado" tablature rhythm is normally indicated by means^of mensuration signs, barlines, and'durational note-symbols.

Unfortunately

the rhythmic notation is skeletal and unclear in three of thfe Spanish sources.

F irs t, the collection by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) is marred by

numerous misprints.

In his "punteado" pieces Ruiz employs barlines, but

th eir placement is not reliable.

He also provides a mensuration sign at

the beginning of each work, lim itin g himself almost en tirely to "C" ("compassillo") and "3" (f'proporcidn menor").2®®

During his discussion

of "canto de drgano" Ruiz explains that in "proporcidn menorM the white and black forms of notes smaller than a "semibreve" (o ) are equivalent.

He states that a "mfnima" () equals a "semfnima" (1 ), a

white "corchea" ( £ ) equals a black "corchea" ( I 1), and a white "semi9■

corchea" ( £ ) equals a black one ( ^ ) . 2^

This accords with traditional

Spanish theory of the period (as explained bellow, chap. 7, pp. 403-404). However, owing to certain printing problems, Ruiz does not use the standard note-symbols in the actual notation of

s pieces.

Instead he

devised a set of five Tetter-symbols to represent the durations.

He

employs the symbol "0" fo r a "semibreve" (o ), "D" fo r &. "mfnima" ( i ), "L" fo r a "semfnima" ( i j , "S" fo r a "corchea" ( ^ ) , and "s" f o r a

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"semicorchea" ( £ ) . ^

He makes no mention of dotted rhythms.

Never\

theless they may be implied by certain combinations of symbols.

For

example, in "proporcidn menor" the pattern " |L-S-L|" probably stands for " | J-

J'J

| ".

The system devised by Ruiz was potentially viable but

i t was not implemented properly in the publication o f his pieces.

The

necessary letter-symbols are often missing, and many of the given ones are erroneous. The collection by. Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209) is the second "punteado" source whose rhythm is unclear. contain verbal explanations of its notation.

The manuscript does not Despite the reference on

the title-page to four types of mensurations (namely, "compassillo", "proporzionsilla", "proporsidn maior", and "compels maior"), Santa Cruz

•

does not employ any mensuration signatures in his pieces.

He does

provide barlines, but many of them seem to be misplaced.

Santci Cruz

also employs three durational symbols, namely, “f ", "rl" (or "rl " ) , and (or "■4").

They are riever dotted.

The symbols are given above the

tablature, but th eir vertical alignment with the ciphers is often ambiguous.

Moreover th eir very meaning is puzzling.

Perhaps the

symbols are supposed to correspond to specific durational values, such as the "semfnima" ( I ), "corchea"- (£ ), and "semicorchea" ( £ ) respectively.

I f this is the case, then the manuscript is riddled with

errors and omissions. as mnemonic aids only.

Alternatively, perhaps the symbols are intended However this interpretation is also

unsatisfactory, for I have been unable to discover a consistent basis for the choice of symbols in some o f the pieces.

In order to transcribe

the works in this manuscript, I have used as guidelines the rhythmic

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

patterns found in other settings of.the same dance-types.

In some

instances, such as the f ir s t "Canario" piece (D-17), I have disregarded most of the given symbols. The third source with unclear rhythm is the anonymous E Mn M.811. The "punteado" pieces contain barlines and begin with mensuration signs, ^ usually "C" (i.e ., "compasillo") or

(i.e ., "proporcidn menor").

However the given signs are not reliable. Other settings of the same. ■ ' v ' \ . • .. dance-songs suggest that the copyists of E Mn M.811 committed numerous . mistakes.

The manuscript also employs the usual durational note-symbols

above the tablature, but i t rarely supplies them in f u ll.

Furthermore

dotted rhythms are not notated in a consistent manner.

For example, in

tr ip le meter both the patterns " |J J1 J | " and " j J J 1 -

I " p r o b a b ly

stand for " | J- -b J | ". * The rhythmic notation in the remaining e ig h t/’punteado" sources of this study is clear and complete.

Minguet y / r o l (ca. 1754) even

supplements the tablature of his "punteadoiV'pieces with melodic s ta ffnotation.

All eight sources provide mensuration signs, barlines, and

durational riote-symbols in f u ll, in accordance with the convention that •«

A•

one symbol serves fo r successive notes which have the same duration. During the second half of the 17th century the tendency is to focus on two mensuration signs in order to simplify matters fo r those who do not understand musical rudiments.

For example, as pointed out above, Sanz

(1674) discusses only ^C" ("compasillo") and "3" ("proporcidn") in his treatise.

Nevertheless in several of his "punteado" pieces he does

u tiliz e "sesquiaitera" signatures (namely, " c | ", "Cs ", and "C 't") without providing any, e x p la n a tio n .^

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Guerau (1694) also focuses on "C" ("compassillo") and "3" ("proporcidn menor").

Under the la tte r sign he employs the modern

black notation, with one measure equalling | j J | or |JJJ | . dotted values e * p l i c i t l y . ^

He shows

Guerau explains that he has excluded other

mensurations, such as "compSs mayor" (usually symbolized

and

"proporcidn mayor" (usually symbolized '%%" or "same fr e t which t r i l l s [i.e ., the upper note of a t r i l l , which in Sanz is always a semitone above the lower rtote] and i t dampens the string ‘ there. Because i t bites ["muerde"] the string, the Italian s rig h tly use the name "mordente" for that manner of playing the string. 234

Guerau (1694) explains the ornament in more detail but he too neglects to mention its metrical position:' Likewise you -will find a backwards C or comma in this manner, "3 ", which in Ita ly they call "mordente". > This is executed by placing the appropriate finger two frets [i.e ., a tone] or one fr e t [i.e ., a semitone] behind [i.e ., lower than] that which the number indicates, according'to the requirements of the vertical sonority ["punto"]. With another finger and with greater speed than in the t r i l l , one has to strike the string at the fr e t which the number • indicates,^finishing the chord ["punto"] on i t . 235' By contrast, in an Ita lia n guitar book issued in approximately 1655, * Bartolotti clearly defines the "mordente" ("x") by writing i t o u t in x ' tablature, such that J - - -m s *

.

The Spanish sources also fa il to explain the "apoyamento" in a precise fashion.

Sanz (1674) simply offers the following remarks:

The number with an "apoyamento" is struck in this manner. I f you find a "one" on the f ir s t course, in order to play this number you should strike the f ir s t course open and immediately press i t at "the f ir s t fr e t, sb that in re a lity you press [with the le f t hand] what you don’t play [with the right hand] and you play what you don’t press. For although you struck the f ir s t course open, you stole its voice and applied i t to the f ir s t feet. I t is that which sounds, and you did not play i t . ' ^ Perhaps this ornament is equivalent to that which Corbetta calls "abelimerito” or "cheute" (Vv") in his guitar book issued in Paris! in 1671.

In equivalent Ita lia n and. French prefaces Corbetta defines the>,

ornament in tablature as a slurred lower appoggiatura, i.e ., »238

J

In addition the anonymous Spanish collection E Mri M.B11

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=

X

incorporates written-out slurred lower appoggiaturas in some of its pieces.2^ Another problem in the Spanish guitar sources concerns the execution of the "trino".

I t is not absolutely clear whether the t r i l l

is supposed to begin on the main note or the upper note, although the former is more lik e ly . Sanz (1674) does not refer to this matter at • , * a ll* Instead he focuses on where one can use the ornament: The "trino" and "mordente" are very sim ilar. However they are also distinct from each other in that the t r illin g voice [i.e ., the upper note] is"not the note where the t p l l 1 is notated but rather a semitone higher. Nevertheless I want to give a famous rule so that you w ill know where the t r i l l works well even when you do not find i t symbolized. In the f ir s t place, i f you have a free finger, you should t r i l l the open f ir s t and second courses [i.e ., the pitches "e" and "b"] even i f the t r i l l is not notated. Also you should t r i l l the . ■ . fourth and f if t h courses on the second fr e t [i.e ., thepitches "e" and "b"] and a ll .the courses on the fourth fre t [ i: e ., the pitches "c#", " f#", " b V " d * \ and "g#"]. The reason is because they are "mi’s" or sharps ["susteiridos"]. In music theory this name corresponds to the t r i l l s . 240 Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) repeats this explanation and adds some remarks of his ownwhich seem to suggest that the "trino" is

a main-note t r i l l :

... the manner of t r illin g is , to pluck the string on _which one is to t r i l l with the right hand, and shake the finger which pertains to the number (on the string and fr e t on which i t is done) of the le f t hand; the manner of shaking the finger is to place i t , and l i f t i t tvio times, without interruption in the tempo, nor does ,one have to pluck with the right hand more'than once for each t r i l l . 241 A realization of 11-fc J

" as " j j j j J

11 would accord with his statements

Later the description given by Guerau (1694) implies even more strongly that the "trino" begins on the main note: You w ill also find a small stroke with two small dots in this manner, " V- ", which in Ita ly they notate with a "T" and two small dots. I t is called "trino" or "aleado". I t is performed with the le f t hand by placing the appropriate

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

finger on the fre t which the number indicates, and striking the.string without delay with another finger of the same hand two fr e ts [ i. e ., a tone] or one f r e t [ i. e ., a semitone] ahead [i.e ., higher], according to the requirement? of the vertical sonority ["punto"].242 Strizich prefers to stress the ambiguity of the above passages. Nevertheless he too suggests a main-note interpretation for most of the "trinos".

Strizich bases his argument on the observation that main-

note t r i l l s are the type which seem to be us^d in Spanish harp and keyboard music o f the period.242 Useful information for the *

reconstruction of the Spanish "trino" is lacking in the Ita lia n guitar sources.

For example, although Corbetta b rie fly discusses the '.'tremolo" ^ in his book of 164?, he does not specify whether i t is a main-note or ■

upper-note t r i l l . 244 ■

®

■

In the Ita lia n and French prefaces of his 1671

collection Corbetta does show that the "tremolo" or "tremblement" ("x") ^should begin on the Upper note.

However, since the book was published

in Paris, these t r i l l s may well represent French practice only.245 Returning to the Spanish sources, a further complication arises in the 18th century with the influx of French dance-music.

Does the inclusion

of French pieces necessarily mean that th e ir t r i l l s should be executed in the French manner, beginning on tile upper note?

Strizich answers this

question in the affirm ative, especially with regard to the French-style cadential formulas in Murcia's book of 1714 and manuscript of 1732.245 Howeverahis argument is not conclusive.

I t 1s also possible that

Spanish musicians employed French pieces without assimilating French ornaments.

^

*

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Notes to Chapter Fi ve 1.

General surveys are given by Harvey Turnbull, The guitar from the Renaissance to the present day (London, 1974), PP. 41-61; and James Tyler, The early guitar. A history and handbook (London, 1980). Detailed studies include Richard A. Hudson, "The development of Ita lia n keyboard variations on the 'passacaglio' and 'ciaccona' from guitar music in the seventeenth century" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of C alifornia, Los Angeles, 1967),.pp. 24-245; and Richard T. Pinnell, "The role of Francesco Corbetta (1615-1681) in the history of music for the Baroque guitar, including a ‘ transcription of his complete works" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of C alifornia, Los Angeles, 1976) 2 vol.

2.

See Richard Hudson, "The music in Ita lia n tablatures for the . five-course Spanish guitar", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 4 (1971), pp. 38-40; Peter Danner, "Bibliography of guitar tablatures 1546-1764", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 5 (1972), pp. -40-51; and Peter Danner, "An update to the bibliography of guitar tablatures", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 6 (1973), pp. 33-36. '

3.

Neil D. Pennington, The Spanish Baroque guitar with a transcription of de Murica's "Passacalles y obras1' (Ann Arbor, 1981) 2 vol. £ —^

4:

For example, see below, pt. IV,. pp. 992-993.

5.

"Obligacidn de Gabriel de la Torre y Luis de Monzdn, de sacar una danza de 7 personas con sonajas, guitarras y tambores para las fiestas del Corpus de este ario." E Mah Protocolos de Pedro Martfnez 1612, f . 320 (contract dated Madrid, June 14, 1612).; as summarized by Cristdbal Pdrez Pastor, Nuevos datos acerca del histrionismo espaiiol en los siglos XVI y XVII vol. 1 (Madrid, 1901), p. 130. ' .

ti

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6. s .

"Primeramente nos^Ios dichos Pedro de Salcedo y Antonio Laso nos obTigamos cada uno por lo que le toca de que asistiremos. eh .esta corte y en las demds partes ciudades v illa s y lugares donde fuere necesario y nos fuere ordenado por vos los dichos senores Alberto Anaseli [the following words are crossed out: 'y Bicencio Botaneli y juntamente ambos'] y los dichos vuestros companeros a todas las comedias que ubidredes de.hacer e hicidredes ansf en general como en casas de particulares aora sea de noche o de dfa en las quales avemos de serbir de tafler nuestras guitarras y cantar las tonadas a los tiempos y ocasiones y como y quando por los susodichos nos fuere ordenado y mandado, a niiestm uso castellano." (My emphasis.) E Mn Barbieri Mss 14043 (76), pp. 2-3 (an original document dated Madrid,, March 31, 1581). A larger portion of this contract is

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

237.

transcribed in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, "Noticias biogrSficas de Alberto Ganasa, cdmico famoso del siglo XVI", REVISTA DE ARCHIVOS, BIBLIOTECAS Y MUSEOS 3a dpoca vol. 19 (1908), pp. 51-53. Ganassa's a c tiv itie s in Spain are mentioned above, chap. 2, p. 24.

^

7. *

Aside from his other a c tiv itie s , Espinel was an accomplished ' guitarist who composed "sonadas y cantar de sala"; according to Christdval Sutfrez de Figueroa, Plaza universal de todas ciencias y artes, parte traducida de toscano (Madrid, 1615) Discurso 40, f . 193v. Additional biographical information about Espinel .is given above, chap. 2, p. 22.

8.

For the remarks by Lope de Vega and Doizi de Velasco see'below, pt. IV, p. 1125 note 410 and this chapter, p. 240 note 36 respectively. The attribution of the five-course guitar to Espinel is further discussed by Isabel Pope Conant, "Vicente Espinel as a musician", STUDIES IN THE RENAISSANCE 5 (1958), pp. 134-137. '/ *

9.

"El rey, nuestro sefior, Dios le guarde, ha sido servido de hacer mefced de una plaga de Borgona a Vicente SuSrez mtfsico de guitarra de su real capilla . . . " E Mp caja 1016/45 (document dated July 17, 1639). Another document in this f il e states that e a rlie r in Barcelona, on June 15, 1599, Felipe I I I had appointed Vicente Sudrez as one of his "mdsicos de cdmara" at an annual salary of 30,000 "maravedfs".

10.

Pennington (1981) vol. 1, pp. 77-121.

11. *

"Estas canciones [ i . e . , a poetic genre] quando son buenas, son muy agradables a los buenos y dilicados ingenios, porque son de mucho a r t if ic io .. . . aunque se llaman por este nombre, yo no he visto ni o^do cantar muchas dellas, ddvelo de causar, que todo lo que agora se usa 'de cantar y taher es a lo rasqado [my emphasis], y ninguna cosa se canta ni tafie de sentido, y estas canciones quieren sonada conforme al s tilo que lle va, y por esta causa no se cantan estas canciones, aunque en el reyno de Portugal, suelen las mulatas y morenas de aquella tie rra cantarlas con tanto sentido y concierto, que admiran a los oyentes." Miguel Sdnchez de Lima, El arte pogtica en romance castellano (Alcaic de Henares, 1580) Di31oqo I I , f . 47r-47v; modern edition by Rafael de Balbfn Lucas (Madrid, 1944), pp. 74-75.’

12.

Juan Carlos Amat, Guitarra espanola, y vandola en dos maneras ■de guitarra, castellana, y cathalana de cinco drdenes, la qua! enseffa de templar, y tader rasqado, todos los puntos naturales, b, moll ados, con estilo maravilloso. Y para poner en e ll a qualquier tono, se pone una tabla, con la qua! podrg qualquier sin dificultad c ifra r el tono, y despu^s _tafier, y cantarle por doze modos. Y se haze mencldn tambidn de la guitarra

’

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238. c

. 13. I

*

f '

14. ; I

15.’ 16. ■

!

I t is now preserved in CHICAGO, Newberry Library; according to Monica H all, "The 'Guitarra espanola' of Joan Carles Amat", EARLY MUSIC 6 (1978), p. 363; and Hall (1980), p. i . V

-

| |

de quatro drdenes. (1st edition, not extant, probably Barcelona, ca. 1596; earliest extant edition, L£rida, 1626; revised edition, Gerona, CcTI 1761-1766: facsimile edition, Monaco, 1980). Unless otherwise noted, a ll my references to Amat (ca. 1596) are to this facsimile edition. The contents of this treatise are summarized in English by Monica H all, Introduction to the facsimile edition of Guitarra espafiola by Juah Carlos Amat (Monaco, 1980), pp. i i i - i x .

■

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"JOANNES CAROLUS, medicus doctor, edidit: Guitarra espanola de cinco drdenes. Ilerdae anno 1626." NicolSs Antonio, Bibliotheca hispana nova sive hispanorum scriptorum que ab anno MD ad MDCLXXXIV florvere rtotitia (Madrid, 1783-1788; facsimile edition, Turin, 1963) vol. 1, p. 672. Hall (1980), p. i . According to Hall (1980), p. i i .

17.

r "Avidndose impresso este su lib rito de vuestra merced (senor doctor) tantas vezes, assf en Barcelona la primera vez, que fue el afio de 1586 como en otras ciudades, y ahora bolver el cabo de, tantos afios saliir a luz, siendo vuestra merced de sessenta y siete anos, me tieife obligado a escrivirle que son sus obras merecedores de eterna memoria, . . . " Amat (ca. 1596) "Carta del padre maestro fray Leonardo de San Martfn a t autor" (dated Zaragoza, April 30, 1639), p. i .

18.

" . . . vuestra merced aver trabajado mucho en sus tieroos anos, pues sd de cierto, que ya de edad de siete tocava, y/cantava con 'Undo a y re ,'. . . " Amat (ca. 1596) "Carta del paare maestro fray,Leonardo de San Martfn al autor", p. i .

.

19.

Described in Emilio Pujol, "Significaci)5n de Joan Carlos Amat (1572-1642) en la historia de la guttafra", ANUARI0 MUSICAL 5 (1950), pp. 128-130; Higinio Anglds and Josd Subird, Catdloqo musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol. 3 (Barcelona, 1951), pp. 104-107; and most importantly in Hall (1980), pp. i - i i i . . *

20.

Hall (1980), p. i i .

21.

The fu ll title-page is quoted in Hall

22.

Pujol (1950), pp. 126-127.

23.

"JOANNES CAROLUS AMATUS, (vulgo AMAT)tltalanus, Monistrolensis, doctor medicus Montisserrati, ex academiae Valentinae magistris

(1980), p. i .

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.

'

239.

exceptos medicinae flores dedit 1ri lucem, inscribens: Fructus medicinae ex variis Galeni locis decerpti. Lugduni apud Ludovicum Prost 1623. 12." Antonio vol. 1 (1783), p. 672. Since he lis ts the guitar treatise in a separate entry, Antonio was evidently unaware that both works were written by the same person.

+ 24.

ha sacado a luz tantos tra ta d illo s , assf en cosas de miisica, como de aritmdtica, astrologfa, poesfa, pues eri dsta did 400 aphorismos cathalanes, provervios muy morales, mds de veynte vezes impressos, y otros de mano en su curiosa lib re rfa escritos: pero en particular en el arte que professa, pues salid un tra ta d illo de peste impresso en Barcelona, y un Fructus medipinae.en Ledn de Francia tres vezes, desde e l aho “1623 hasta el de oy: ...." Amat (ca. 1596) "Carta del padre maestro fray Leonardo de San Martfn al autor", p. i i .

25.

4 Mariano Aguild y Fuster, Catdloao de obras en lenqua catalana impresas desde 1474 hasta 1860 (Madrid, 1923), p. 668.

26.

‘ 27.

llBien as trocado don Luis como discrettf y curioso dexando el ledn furioso por la dulce flo r de lis ." Briceno (1626) "Quartillas por monsieur Du Prd gonsejer del rey en su gran consejo", f . 3v.

_

28. .

^

, ''

■

Luis de Briceno, Mdtodo mul facilfssimo para aprender a ta n e r la guitarra a lo espahol. compuesto por Luis de Bricneo [ “sic"!, y presentado a madama de Chales. en el qua! se hallardn cosas curiosas de romances y sequidillas. "Juntamente sesenta liciones diferentes. un mdtodo fraratemplar, otro para conocer los aquerdos. toda por una horden agradable y facilfssima (Paris, 1626; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1972). I t is described by Josd Castro Escudero, "La mdthode pour la guitare de Luis Briceno", translated by Daniel Devoto, REVUE DE MUSICOLOGIE 51 (1965), pp. 131-144. Some.of the errors in this a rtic le are corrected by Hdl&ne Charnassd, "A propos d'un rd c e n ta rtic le sur 'La mdthode pour la guitare de Luis Briceno1 ", REVUE DE MUSICOLOGIE 52 (1966),j pp. 204-207.

.

"1627, 7 fdvrier: bapteme deCharles f il s de Louis Brifenne [sic] » et d1Anne Gaultier. Saint-Sulpice. 1627, 14 fdvrier: bapteme de Claude, nd le 15 a v r il 1622, f i l s de Louis Brifenne et d'Anne Gaultier. Parrain: Claude' Lesclaut, faiseur d'instruments. Sainte-Sylpice." F Pn Fichier Laborde; as transcribed in Yolande de BrosiaV-d, Musiciens de Paris 1535-1792. Actes d'dtat c iv il d'aprds le fic h ie r ■_ Laborde de la Bib!iothfeque Nationale (Paris, 1965), pp. 47-48. This information is also pointed out by Frangois Lesure, "Trois instrument!stes frangais du XVIIe sidcle", REVUE DE MUSICOLOGIE 37 (1955), p. 186.,

.. '

t

'"v

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240.

29.

Nicolds Doizi de Velasco, Nuevo modo de cifra para taner la guitarra con variedad, y perfeccidn, y se mueStra ser~ instrumento perfecto, y abundantfssimo. Por Nicolao Doizi de Velasco, mdsico de cdmara de su magestad, ,y de la d6V senor infante cdrdenal. Y al presente en servicio del excellentfss[imo] sefior dugue de Medina de las Torres, prfncipe de S tillano, y sumiller de corps. &c. virey, y capitkn general del reyno de Ndpoles (n .p ., n .d .).

30.

Angles and Subiri vol. 3 (1951), p. 107. They mistakenly give the shelf number of the exemplar as M. 4042.

31.

"NICOLAO DIAS VELASCO, mdsico da camara del rey cathdlico Filippe IV e de seu irmao o cardenal Alberto, e destrfssimo tangedor'de viola de cujo instromento, querendo deixar discfpulos peritos, escreveo Nuevo modo de cifra para tafler la guitarra con variedad, y perfecidn ["s ic "], y se muestra ser instrumiento ["sic11] perfecto, y abundantfssimo. Ndpoles por Egidio Longo. 1640. 4." Diogo Barbosa Machado, Bibliotheca lusitana histdrica, c rftic a , e cronoldgica. Na gual se comprehende a noticia dos authores portuguezes, e dos obras, que compusergo desde o tempo da promulgacffo da Ley de Graca ,atd o tempo prezente vol. 3 (Lisbon, 1752; facsimile edition, Coimbra, 1966), p. 492.

32.

"NICOLAUS . . . Lusitanus, musicus, edidit: Modo pera tanger guitarra. Neapoli, 1640." Antonio vol. 2 (1788), p. 150.

33.

For example, Danner (1972), p. 49.

34.

^

' it

Rafael Mitjana, "La musique en Espagne (a rt religieux et art profane)", in Encyclopddie de la musique et dictionnaire du - Conservatoire, edited by Albert Lavignac and Lionel de la Laurencie, pt. I , vol. 2 (Paris, 1923), p. 2096.

35.

Doizi de Velasco (1640) "A Nicolao Doizi de.Velasco, Apolo portuguds. De don Gonzalo de Mendoza cavallero de la Orden de Santiago. Ddcima", p. iv .

36. r

37.

v

" . . . Espinel (a quien yo, conocf en Madrid) le acrecentd la quinta, a que llamamos prima, y por estas ragones llaman justamente en It a lia , guitarra espanola." Dbizi de Velasco (1640) "Al mdsico, cantor, y cantante", p. 2. Vicente Espinel worked in Madrid from 1599 until his death on February 4, 1624; as pointed out above, chap. 2, p. 22* His'term as viceroy is^discussed in Giuseppe Coniglio, I vicerfe „ spagnoli di .Napoli (Naples, 1967), pp. 239-247. '

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

38.

"A su casade vuestra excelencia reconozco la ocasidn de haver pueito en pldtica este breve trabajo, por donde a nadie mds juntamehte devo dedicarle, que a vuestra excelencia Doizi de Velasco (1640) “A la excellentfssima sefiora dofia Margarita de Austria Branchiforti, y Golona, . . . " , p. i i . For further information about Margarita de Austria see above, chap. 3, pp. 63-64.

39.

"He resuelto que a Nicolds Doici mi mdsico de cdmara por la corona de Portugal se le paguen lo's gaxeS de la dicha plaga desde principio del afio de seiscientos quarenta y uno en adelante por la misma parte y en la misma forma que se libravan y pagavan los suyos a Gaspar de Silva Vasconcelos capelldn y mdsico que fue de mi real capilla y pasd a Portugal? executarase asf ddndose para e ll a los despachos 'que fuaren necesarios. [Rubric of Felipe IV .]" E Mn Barbieri Msf 14027 ( (113), an original document dated Madrid, August 22, 1048.^ Gaspar de Silva Basconcelos is listed as a singer in the royal chapel in the expense accounts for the last third of the year 1637i according to ^document in E Mp. sudmarized by Edmond van der Straeten, Les musiciens nderlandais en Espagne vol. 2 (Brussels, 1888), p. 429. —" : . ;

40.

"Digo yo don Nicolks Doyci de Velasco que en virtud de la libranga y recados que me a dado don Francisco Cobel Garvaxal pagador de Ip cassa real de C astilla e cobrado ochenta.y un mil y seis maravedfs de la thessorerfa de mi 11ones de la ziudad de Ja^n por quenta de la libranga quese did en jell a de doce quentos novecientos y treinta y seis mill maravedfs y seflaladamente por quenta de las setecientos y treinta y seis mill maravedfs que de dicha libranga tocan a los capellafies de la corona de Portugal los quales huve de aver de los gaxes de todo el dichoa de seiscientos y cinquenta y uno y [?] por aver -tobrado la dicha[?] cantidad en esta corte en la forma y por la ragdn dicha lo declaro asf y lo firme en Madrid Ta v ij de ju llio de 1652-afios. Nicolds Doizi de Velasco [signature and rubric]." E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027(1-14), ^an original document.

41.

E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (115), an original document dated Madrid, July 31, 1659.

42.

E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (116), originel documents da„ted Madrid, Apri1 of 1663.

43. ,

Gaspar Sanz, Instruccidn de milsica sobre la guitarra espanola; , y mdtodo de sus primeros rudimentfcs, hasta tafierla con des.treza: Con dos laberfntos ingeniosos, variedad de~sones, y dyi.nces de rasgueado, y punteado, al es tilo espafiol, ita lia n o , francds, y inglds. Con un breve tratado para acompanar con perfeccidn, sobre la parte muy essencial para la guitarra, arpa, y drgano, resumido en doze reqlas, y. exemplos los mds

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242:

principales de contrapunto, y composicidn. Dedicado a] seren-fssimo sefior, el senor don Juan. Compuesto por el ficenciado Gaspar Sanz, aragonds, natural de la v illa de Calanda, bachiller en teologia por la insigne Universidad de Salamanca (Zaragoza, 1674; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1952). This facsimile edition uses the 3rd edition (1674) for Books I and I I , and the 8th edition (1697) for Book I I I . All my references are to this facsimile edition and its modern fo lia tio n . I have not had the opportunity of consulting the study by J.A, Manns, "Gaspar Sanz's ' Instruccidn sobre la uitarra . . . 1674' :• transcription, translation, commentary" M.A. thesis, Case Western Reserve University, 1974). 44.

In the 8th edition (1697) Book I I I has the following t i t le : "Libro tercero de mtisica. De cifras sobre la guitarra espanola, que tiene las diferencias mis primorosas de v paisacalles, que hasta aora ha compuesto su autor, por todos los ocho tonos mis principales de canto de drgano, y ^ o r los puntos, y tdrminos mis estranos, y sonoros de ^ la guitarra, . . . "

45.

Luis Garcfa-Abrines, Introduction to the' facsimile edition of Instruccidn de misica sobre la quitaVra espanola by Gaspar Sanz (Zaragoza, 1952) p-pp. xxxi-xxxiv. ,

46.

Sanz (1674), f . 3r, 15r, and 49r.

47. .

" . . . aviendo recogido las mejores reglas de mis maestros para este efecto en Roma, y Nipoles, juntamente con ptras de los mejores maestros de capilla de Hspafia, en particular.de Capitin. [ i . e . , Mateo Romero], . . . " Sanz (1674) "Prdlogo al.deseosode taner", f . 6v-7r. As discussed above, chap. 2, d. 17, Romero was "maestro" of the royal chapel in Spain from 1(598 to 1633.

48.*

" . . . dard las reglas mis principales que usan'los mejores . maestros de Roma, que por averlos practicado, y cpncurrido con ellos en muchas academias, las aprendf de todos,7y en particular de Lelio Colista,-ilrfeo de estos tiempos, de cu/os inmensos raudalesde mdsica, procurd, como quien fue a Tafuente, coger el mis sonoro^cristal que pudo mi coirta capacidad." Sanz (1674) Regia 8, f .. H r . ,

t

49.

e f modo de lig a r las sfncopas en las proporciones de Christdval Carisani (mi maestro)organista de la capilla real de Nipoles." Sanz (1674) Regia 3, f . 29v-30r.

50.

Sanz (1674) "Prdlogo al deseoso de taner", f . 6r.

"51.

NSanz (1674) Regia 3, f . 29v-30r.

52.

"Aviendo de dar a la estampa esta Instruccidn de mdsica sobre la guitarra espanola, con el laberinto, que ya puse a los pies

,

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de vuestra alteza antes de passar a 'It a lia , tuve por mejor el publicarlo debaxo proteccidn tan soberana, . . . " ‘ Sanz (1674) "Serenfssimo senor", f . 4r. 53.

Fdlix de Latassa y Ortfn, Bib!iotecas anti qua y nueva de escritores araqoneses,'revised by Miguel Gomez U rie l, vol. 3 (Zaragoza, 1886) "SANZ Y CELMA (Don Gaspar Francisco Bartolom6)", p. 161.

54.

" . . . en 4 de abril afio 1640 bautizd dicho vicario av Francisco Bartolomd Sanz hijo de Bartolomd i de Francisca Celma coniuges fueron sus padrinos Pedro Miguel de Sora i Esperanza Morera." CALANDA, Iglesia Parroquial, Libro de bautizados, vol. 1, f . 128v; as transcribed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), p. X ii i .

55.

Gaspar Sanz (translator), El hombre de letras escrito en italian o por el p[adre] Daniel Bartoli de la Compafifa de Jesils, traducido por diversos autores en la tfn , francds, alem^n, y portuguds, lo vertid en espaflol (Madrid, 1678); as listed and discussed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), pp. xvii and x v iii-x x .

56.

57.

58.

59. '

Daniello B a rto li,'Dell-1huomo di lettere difeso et emendato . (Rome, 1645); as listed along with la te r editions,and translations in Augustin de Backer and Aloys de Backer, ’ Bibliothfeque de la Compaqnie de Jdsus, revised by Carlos Sommervogel, vol. 1 (Brussels and Paris, 1890; reprinted Louvain, I960), pp. 969-970. Gaspar Sanz, Ecos saqrados de la fama gloriosa de n[uestro] muy santo padre Inocencio X I, . . . Panegfrico ecomdtrico, devidido en varios discursos (Madrid, 1681); as listed and' discussed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), pp. xvii and xx-xxi. • Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminarpor las cifras de la guitarra espanola, y arpa, tafler, y cantara compos por canto de drgano; y breve explicacidri del arte, ^ con preceptosf^ciles,indubitables, y explicados con Claras reglas por tedrica, y pr^ctica. Compuesto por d[on] Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, presbftero, prebendado de la iglesia colegial de Villafranca del Bierco, y natural de Santa Marfa de Ribarredonda, merindad de Bureba, montaflos de Burgos. Consclqrale a la reyna de los ctngeles Marfa santfssima de Curihego, partrona de dicha colegial (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976). The problems he experienced in finding a each consist of a single "diferencia". Nevertheless D-316, P D-368, and D-407 are almost identical with D-315, D-367, and D-406 respectively. .

62.

Strizich (1974), pp. 52-53.

63.

' j

. " * i. al senpr lector, a quien ruego censure sin passijSn, mirarido este escri to no/mcis que como a obraNde un aficionado, que jie ha practicado ' ex-prof es so' la facultad*_^,

96.

B Be Ms 5615 "Principes de la guitarre", pp. v-xiv.

97.

B Be Ms 5615 "Recueil des pieces de guitarre composes par m[onsieu]r Frangois \Le Cocq musicien ju b ila ire de lerchapelle royale, Bruxelles. Je louairai Dieu mon cr^ateur sur la guitarre 1730", pp. 1-81.

98.

"Quelque p e tit service que je luy ai casuelement rendu, et I'ancienne connoissance 1'ont portd de me'Hbs gracieusement presenter 6cris de sa propre main et authentiquds par sa signature, que j 1ai copi£ pour mon usage pareillement de ma propre main dans ce liv re que j'avois pr^pard et rdgld aussi moim§me ce sujet." B Be Ms 5615 "Prdface", pp. i i i - i v .

99.

B Be Ms 5615 "Recueil des pi&ces de guitarre de meilleurs maitres du si&cle dixseptifeme", pp. 82-121. 9

'

100.

"Je joins dans ce recueil apr&s.les airs de monsieur Le Cocq • quelques pi&ces d'autres maitres que ont excelld aii sifecle dernier. On trouve dans celles de monsieur Frangois Corbet beaucoup de gravitd, monsieur L61io a jo in t avec siennes une agrdable douceur: Michel Perez de Zavala espagnol et maitre de mon honors p&re & Madrid vers Van 1690 me parait n'avoir pas mal imitd ces deux excellens autheurs. Les pi&ces de monsieur Gaspar Sanchez aussi espagnol, et de monsieur Jean Baptiste Granata ita lie n ont leur m£rite: les chaconnes et passacailles de ce dernier passent pour bonnesT" B Be Ms 5615 "Preface", P- iv .

101.

B Be Ms 5615 "Passacaille dite Marizapalos" (D-286), pp. 102-103; "Gigue", p. 105; "Marche Dauphine", p. 108; and "GigueVp. 109.

102.

Santiago de Murcia, Passacalles y obraS de guitarra por todos los tonos naturales y acidentales ["sic"l para el s[eflo]r ’ _____u n i l ________ _f_ _ Pll'lV-Ilh ' _» ■ j r ~i d[on] Joseph Albarez de Saa[ve]drra ["sic"] por Santiago de Murzia aflo de 1732, GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640. A detailed study and complete modern edition are given by Pennington (1981)'vol . 1, pp. 135-169 and vol. 2. 1

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iy

W\ 250. 103.

104.

105.

(a) GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 "Allemanda", f . 69r, modern edition by Pennington (1981) vol. 2, pp. 129-131, is'concordant with Robert de Visde, L ivre /d e q u lttarre, dddid au roy (Paris, 1682}\ “Allemande", modern edition by Robert W. S trizich , Robert V de Visde. Oeuvres completes pour guitare, LE PUPITRE 15—-^' (Paris, 1969), pp. 12-13. ” V . / (b) GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 "Allemanda", f . 105r, modern editior by Pennington (1981) vol. 2, pp. 213-214, is concordant with Visde (1682) "Al^emande", modern edition by S trizich, LE PUPITRE.15 (1969), p. 2. Pinnell (Ph.D. dissertation, 1976) vol. 1, p. 241; and Pinnell, JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 9 (1976), p. 69. He points to one piece in Francesco Corbetta, Varii scherzi di sonate per la chitarra spaqnola . . . Libro quarto (Brussels, 1648); and nine pieces in Francesco Corbetta, La guitarre royal!e dddide au roy de 1a Grande Bretagne (Paris, 1671; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1975). An amended li s t of the correspondences between Murcia's collection and Corbetta's books ■ is given by Russell (1982)’, pp. 48-49. Russell (1982), pp. 44 and 49-50; with specific reference to . Francois Campion, Nouvelles ddcouvertes sur la guitarre contenantes plusieurs suittes de pieces sur huit manilres diffdrentes d'accorder (Paris, 1705; facsimile edition. Geneva. 1977). '

' / * 106.

Russell (1982), pp. 44 and 50-51.

107.

Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Reqlas, y adVertencias generales que ensefian el modo de taner todos los instrumentos mejores, y mds Qsuales, como son la guitarra, tip le , vandola, cythara, clavicordio, drqano, harpa, psalterio, bandurria, vio lfn , flauta traversa, flauta dulce, y Ta f la u t i lla , con varios tafiidos, danzas, contradanzas, y otras cosas semejantes, demonstradas, y figuradas en diferentes ldminas finas, por mtisica, y c ifra , al estilo castellano, ita lia n o , cataldn, y francds, para que^qtffelquier aficionado las, pueda comprehendier ~ con mucha facilidad, y sin maestro; con una breve’ explicacidn * de como el autor los aprendid, que estd al bolver de esta ■■■■ ■'_____ _______ hoja (Madrid, n .d .). “ —' ~ 7 108.

Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B, pp. i - i v . ,

109.

Pennington (1981) vol. 1, pp. 100-101,- claims that anexem|li^ of Minguet's treatise preserved in MADRID, Ayuntamiento de Madrid, Biblioteca de Mdsica, has the year 1752 on its title-page. However he gives no further information.

. 110. ■,

"Acudrdome de haber lefdo, siendo muchacho, en el libro que compuso para el uso de la guitarra el bello compositor Gaspar Sanz, . . . " Benito Jerdnimo Feijdo y Montenegro, "El deleite

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de la miis1ca,,acompaffado de la virtud, hace en la tierra~..._ novlclado del’ cielo", published in his Cartas eruditas y curiosas vol. 4 (Madrid, 1753) Carta I , p. 21; as quoted inAntonio Martfn Moreno, El padre Feijdo y las ideologfas musicales del XVIII en Espafla (Orense, 1976), 9. 62. 111.

—'

"Y assf, curioso lector, si quieres aprender por t i solo sin maestro, y quasi sin instrumerito taner alguno de dstos, atiende como yo los aprendf; . . . Quando yo era muchacho, quise aprender a tafier la guitarra: comprd un lib r it o , que* ensena el nrodo de tanerla de rasgueado: me fui a un aprendiz de carpintero, (comb cosas de muchachos) y en una tabla le hice serrar su figura a modo de un tiplev peg.ar su puente, su Ceja, y poner cinco clavijas: despuds yo le puse los quatro trastes necessarios en disminucidn: luego le puse una prima, una segunda, una tercera, una quarta, y*una quinta: abrf mi lib r it o , mird el modo de templarla, y la^emplaba medio bien, o medio mal; luego me iba a los puntos, y los hacfa como podfa. Despuds que ya sabfa un poco executarlos, estudiaba los passacalles: si no entendfa alguna cosa, o tenfa duda, me valfa de alguno que la supiesse, y me la hacfa explicar. Despuds que supe algun'as to n ad illas,.comprd una g u ita rrilla . Tuve noticia de otro lib ro , compuesto por el insigne compositor de guitarra Gaspar Sanz: (assf le llama el reverendfsimo padre Feyjdo y diferentes mdsiqos) de dl aprendf algunas cosillas de rasgueado, y punteado, y las reglas de acompanar. Despuds comprd btro lib ro , que compuso don Santiago.de Murcia, maestro que fue de La^Saboyana, madre de nuestro rey cathdlico don Fernando el Sexto, que Dios guarde; y de este autor tambidn aprendf diferentes tocatas curiosas. De los dernds instrumentos1, como ninguno ha escrito, me he tdnido que valer de algunos inteligentes."-' Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) A "Indice y explicacidn de toda la obra", p. 1. •

112.

Pablo Minguet y Y rol, [Part B] Reqlas, y advertencias generales para tafier la guitarra, tip !e , y vandola, con variedad de sones, danzas, y otras cosas semejantes, demonstradas, y figuradas en diferentes Idminas finas, por mdsica, y c ifra , para que qualquier aficionado lo pueda1 aprender con mucha facilid ad, y sin maestro (Madrid, n .d .).

113.

TORONTO, University of Toronto, Edward Johnson Music Library, Rare Books E-l 18.

114.

The heading at the top of p. 25 reads: "Explicacidn de los puntos de la guitarra^ al estilo castellano, ita lia n o , y cataldn." The heading in the middle of p. 26 reads: "Explicacidn de la guitarra que estd delineada en la Idmina segunda."

115.

An exemplar of the 1774 edition of part B is preserved ill E Mn M.891; according to the description in Anglds.and Subird vol. 3 (1951), pp. 69-70. '

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,

252. Mitjana (1923), p. 2096; and Pinnel (1976) vol. 1, p. 117. '

'•

'

'FRANCISCUS CORBERA, scrip sit & Philippo IV regi nuncupavit: 'Guitarra espanola, y sus diferencias de sones." Antonio vol . 1 (.1783),- p. 416. > See Pinnell (1976) vol. 1, pp.. 115 and 257. Andres de Sotos, Arte para aprender con fa c ilid [a d ], y sin maestro, a templar, y tafter rasqado la guitarraHe cinco drdenes, o cuerdas; y tambiSn la de quatro, o seis drdenes, llamadas guitarra espanola, bandurria, y vandola, y tambidn el t i p l e . * . . sacado de las mejores obras,.y maestros; dispuesto, recopilado, y aumentado por Andrds de Sotos (Madrid, 1764) chap. 11 "El qua! ensefia el modo de templar el tip le , y de como se acompana con la guitarra de cinco drdenes", pp. 61-63. An exemplar of this book is preserved at EMn M.607. •

. ••---------

Joao Leite Pita de Roche, Licam instrumental da viola portuqueza,. ou de ninfas, de cinco ordens, a qua! ensina a temperar, e tocar rasqado, como todos os pontos, assim naturaes, como accidentaes, com hum m^thodo fd cil para qualquer curioso aprender os pontos da viola todos, sem a effectiva assistencia de mestire: com huma tab ella, na qua! se faz mencao dos doze tohs^principaes, para que o .tocador se exercite com perfeicao na prenda da mesma viola (Lisbon, 1752). An exemplar of this book is preserved at E Mn M.597. 121.

Resumen de ae acompanar la la parte con la la guitarra. Comprehendiendo lomprenen en dl todo lo q[ule conduce pTalra este fin : en donde el - = — ■ aficionado h a lla r i dissueltas p[o|r diferentes p[a1rtes del instrum[en]to todo q'^nero de posturas, y ligadTurajs en los " siete signos naturales, y accidentales. Por Santiago de Murcia m[aest]ro de guitarra. Aho de 1726, E Mn M.881. A b rief description is given in Angles and Subir5 vol. 1 (1946), pp. 448-449.

122.

Pablo Minguet y Yrol, [Part Cl Reqlas, y advertencias generales para acompanar sobre la parte con la guitarra, clavicordio, drgano, arpa, cithara, o qualquier otro * instrumento, con sus Icfminas finas, que sirven para los exemplos de contrapunto, y composicion, las mgs essencTales para este efecto, y para que qualquier aficionado las pueda comprehender con mucha facilid ad , y sin maestro. Recopiladas de las obras de Gaspar Sanz (Madrid, n .d .). —

T23.

Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) C [Introduction] and' Reg!as 1-12, • pp. 1-5, come from Sanz (1674), f . 28r-32r. The main difference is that Minguet omits the last parts of Regia 3, 6,. and 12 of Sanz.

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124.

125.

Manuel Valero, Esta mal concertada armonfa podtica y dorados caracteres musicaTes. Suma primorosa de la guitara ["sic" Consagra el lisenciado don Manuel Valero araqonds natus ex opido de nominatur Muniessa comunitatis Daroce, a el espeso de la pureza de n[uest]ra madre y sefiora de la concepcidn cuio soberano entivo nos vista de su divina qracia i qalafddn triunfal diadema del supremo alcazar, y presea d^Ta g lo ria, GRANADA, Universidad de Granada, Biblioteca General Ms caja B-25. My thanks to Pedro Savirdn Ciddn of Zaragoza for directing me to Granada for this source.

126.

The caption of the po rtrait on f . i reads as follows: "P. Franciscus de Hieronymo societatis Jesu o b ijt Neapoli die XI Maij 1716 aetatis 74." * Sanz (1674), f . 9r-13v, 16r-17r, and 28r-34r; and Murcia (1714), pp. 5-56. .

127.

'i \

..

Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) C "Otra regia de los tiempos usuales de la mtisica, para gobierno del acompanante; explicando en ) ello s, quando le precisa a dar golpes llenos, (segfin el tiempo que fuere) o dar el baxo solo, sin acompanamiento de voces,j sacada de las- obras de Santiago de Murcia, maestro de guitarra „ que fue de la reyna n[uestra] s[eiiora] dona Marfa Luisa Gabriel a de Saboya (que Dios haya)",pp. 7-8, comes from Murcia (1714), pp. 41-44. The main difference is that Minguet omits the sections, on "proporcidn", "proporcioncilla", ar$"proporcidn mayor".

128.

"Primeramente poner las terceras mui yguales ni mui altas ni mui bajas. Despuds pisar las terceras en el segundo traste, y por aquel tono que dan las terceras se ajustan las quintas y su bord) chap/ 2 "Qud cosa es punto, quSntos son, y c Having now prepared the lid of the sound-chest as I have said, one iias to carve'at equal Intervals a ll the l i t t l e holes where the strings are to be fastened, ... In order to carve them evenly, one should draw a straight line from one end of the lid to the other, so th a t i t may serve as a guide. This line [for the f ir s t rank of strings] w ill not be a mistake i f on double-rank harps i t is slanted more to the le f t hand, so that the line of the second rank is slanted proportionately towards the right hand, in such a way.that the middle of the lid is the middle of the two ranks.66 Finally, with regard to the neck ("clavigero"), Nassarre

provides several absolute measurements for a large instrument:

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Having now closed the sound-chest, one w ill be able^to make the«p1ece fo r the neck. I t is important that i t be of strong wood. I f the harp 1s to be large, the neck w ill have a length of about 3 "quartas" [I.e ., approximately 24-1/2 Inches] or a l i t t l e less, and a thickness, a fte r being fashioned, of 2 "dedos" [I.e ., approximately 1-3/8 inches], and a width o f a l i t t l e less than 3 "dedos" [ I. e ., approximately 2 inches]. I t 1s to be made curved in the middle so that the string's can arrive at the natural pitch.At the back end i t 1s to be fastened with a tenon which f it s into the mortise ["sectavo", at the top of the sound-chest], so th a t the neck rises a t the fro n t end [ i. e ., the end attached to the fo re p illa r] more or less 2 "dedos" [I.e ., approximately 1-3/8 Inches] higher than at the back end. I also advise that this piece is to rise from the chest of the harp to such an extent that, from the lid to the wrest-pin, the thinnest string has a length of more or less 1 "geme" [i.e ., approximately 5-1/2 inches], and the thickest or f ir s t string in the bass has a length of a l i t t l e more than 7 "quartas" [ i . e . , approximately 57-1/2 inches].

Temperament and iuninq Ruiz.de Ribayaz (1677) does not e x p lic itly discuss temperament 1n his instrumental book.

Nevertheless he does describe two ways of

tuning the harp, both of which imply equal temperament.

His f ir s t

method is to tune each harp string in unison or octave with a note (usually the root) of a an appropriate guitar chord.®® As discussed in the previous chapter, the guitar was probably set in equal temperament. His second method fo r tuning the harp 1s to proceed by ascending fifth s from "g" through to "b" and by descending fifth s from "g" through to "f^".

As in la te r Spanish tuning methods for the harp, the middle

register is to be tuned f ir s t , by applying octave transpositions.®®

One

of the steps involves^tuning "g^" a f if t h below "e1*", thus implying that enharmonically related accidentals are equivalent. By contrast, Ferndndez de Huete recommends mean-tone temperament for the harp.

In his f ir s t volume Ferndndez (1702) refers

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,

299.

to tfie temperament only in a general way.

His tuning method (not

counting the octave transpositions) is to proceed by ascending fifth s from "g" through to "b",‘and^^ descending fifth s from "g" only as fa r as •"e^".

The remaining three pitches, which are the sharps "c5^", "f^", and

"g^", are then tuned with the strings a major tenth below (i.e ., "a", "d", and "e" respectively).70

Fern£nd|z e x p lic itly stateis that a ll the

fifth s in the diatonic rank should lJ?Hslightly fla t: /' • "* ■ '* ’ ... In order th a t the f i r s t rank is such th at a ll the consonances sound w ell, one, has to take care that in the as.cending fifth s [of the tuning method] — which are [ i. e ., "d”] w ith W [i.e .* "g"], "3" [ i. e ., "a"] with "d“ [ t ie ., "d"], "7" [ i.e ., "e"] with *3-" [ i.e ., "a"], and "4" [ i. e ., "b"] with "7" [ i. e ., "e"] — the upper notes are a l i t t l e b it f la t , not anything which is discordant, but rather tempered. In the descending fifth s [of the tuning method] — ■ which are [I.e .* "c"] with "2" [ i.e ., "g"] and "I" [ i.e ., "f"] with "5" [ i.e ., "c"] — the lower^notes should be a* l i t t l e b it sharper [i.e ., the intervals ’Should be s lig h tly • f l a t ] , but not anything which is discordant. All the octaves should be made p u r e /1 •

^

*

In his f ir s t volume Ferndndez does not refer to the size of the major thirds.

Only his treatment of the sharps in his tuning methotl suggests

that the major thirds are supposed to be pure. In his more technical- second volume Fernandez (1704) makes i t clear that he is advocating a temperament whichis mean-tone. \

He

. S’

introduces two playing refinements in order to retain a distinction . between enharmonically related Occidentals.

For finger-stopping on the

single-rank harpr he recommends that fla ts be produced at a higher pitch than sharps: ... I f i t happens thcjt one has to produce some "4b" [ i.e ., - -the pitch "b "] and the string is not lowered, the note is produced, by applying one's fin g e r to the "3" [i.e:„>the "a"strinp] a l i t t l e b it lower than as was said for producing the sharp”, . . . /d

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X

300.

On the double-rank harp (as well as on the harpsichord), Fernandez advises that the appropriate strings be adjusted in advance for chromatic notes which lie outside the temperament.

(At its usual pitch-

level, mean-tone temperament provides only the following five accidentals:

"c#", "e1’", " f#", "g#", and "bb".) When a sharp is

i needed, the strings of its enharmonic f la t should be lowered a comma by re-tuning them witih the third (or tenth) below.

When a f l a t is needed,

the strings of its'enharmonic sharp should be raised a comma by re­ tuning them witn the f if t h above: ... Be advised th a t, in order'to be able to execute the accidentals with complete perfection on the double-rank harp emtk on the harpsichord, one should observe that When the fM ts are to serve as sharps, they are lowered the comma wnrch they have in excess with the,third below. When the sharps^are to serve as fla ts , they are raised the comma which they lade with the f if t h above. For inasmuch as "mi" to "fa", which is a major semitone, has 5 commas, and the minor semitone- has 4, i t is ^ e tte r to refine the thirds and the fifth s for greater perfection. J *\) Nassarre (1724) also advocates mean-tone temperament for the ,

harp.

His tuning method (not counting the octave transpositions) is to

ascend from "g" by major triads through to "e", then to ascend from "e" by a major third to "g^", and fin a lly to descend from "g" by fifth s through to "e1*".^

He indicates the temperament by instructing that a ll

the fifth s should be slightly flat,and a ll the major thirds should be pure;

*

-

•

... Fof^ the harp and harpsichord [the tuning] should begin with the string of "gesolreut", the second one dounting from -the bottom [i.e ., the "g" immediately below middle "c"].... With this string one should .then tune the major third above i t , which is "befabemi", and then the f if t h , which is "delasolre". Nevertheless I advise that with the f if t h tuned as pure as possible, one should then lower the higher string a l i t t l e b it, but so that one does not notice any dissonance. This has to be executed in a ll th e .fifth s in order that the

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301. -major thirds w ill be pure at a ll the pitch-level s. However, when the f if t h is tuned below (that is , when the lower string has to be tuned with the higher one), a fte r making i t very pure, one has to raise the lower string a l i t t l e b it [i.e ., to make the interval slightly f l a t ] , which is contrary to when the higher string is the^one which is being tuned.75 Nassarre also agrees with Ferntfndei de Huete that, when necessary, pretuning should^be employed on both the harp and the harpsichord in order to preserve the temperament.' To change a f la t enharmonically into a sharp, the string is lowered a comma by making i t pure w ithth e major third below.

To change a sharp enharmonically into a f la t , the string

is raised a comma by making i t pure with the major third above.

In a

comprehensive manner Nassarre gives pre-tuning instructions for-alT--12 «

i

transpositions of each of the 8 modes.75

Tablature Notation i

'

.

, ,

The six sources under-consideration a ll employ a four-line tablature designed specifically for the harp.

Only Ruiz de Ribayaz

(1677) and FernSndez de nuete (1702 and 1704) discuss the notation, but ' . the same principles seem to apply in the^other sources as well. Pitch is clearly notated by means of numbers and accidental signs, as both Ruiz and FernSndez explain.77

Seven Arabic numerals (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,

‘ and 7) represent the seven diatonic pitch-degrees ("f", "g", "a", "b", "c", "d", and "e" respectively).

The manner in which the numbers are

written indicates the precise octave-register of the pitches.

Plain

numbers represent the register containing middle "c", while numbers embeTli^h^dj^ith slashes or dots represent each of the other registers.75 Chromatic notes are shown by sharp and f la t signs which are added to the numbers.

In harp notation there are no more than five

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302.

chromatic notes per octave, namely "1^", "2^", 5

J

"5^", and ,,7b" •

( i.e ., "f*",."g ^ ", "b1>", "c^", and "eb" resp ectively).

They correspond

to the chromatic strings of the double-rank instrument under normal tuning.

On-occasion a notated accidental can function enharmonically.

For instance, ul^ u ( i.e ., ,tet ") sometimes serves as "dft" in Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), Ferndndez 'de Huete (1702 and 1704), and E Mn M.816.79 The ciphers found in each of the harp spurces are shown in muiical example 4 l.

(No definitions are given in E Mn M.816, US Wc Mk.290, and

E Be- M.741/22.) In Spain during the 17th and early 18th centuries the standard technique for playing the harp consisted of plucking the strings with only the thumb, index finger, and middle finger of each hand.®9

In harp

notation two different mbthods were devised for using the individual lines of tablature.

In this study the method which predominates always

prescribes the fingering.

I t is therefore suitable for beginners.

This method appears in two forms, according to the texture of the music, as illu strated in the following diplomatic facsimile:®*

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