: William Watson litor VNIEL CHINA «7-5L> CHINA Until the last few years, the archaeology of China has been a ma
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William
Watson
litor
VNIEL
CHINA
«7-5L>
CHINA Until the last few years, the archaeology of China has been a matter of fragmentary knowledge, speculation, and uncertainty. Since the war, however, much new information has come to light and, above all, the results of research have been organized so as to be available to scholars in a field where previous books have become out of date more rapidly than in any other. A new picture is being built up of early China, which is now presented to the English
reader for the
first
time.
There are two reasons for
this spectacular
excavation in China had lagged far behind the West in the techniques of digging and recording, so that many of the finds valuable and often very beautiful were unlocated and undated in themselves and so of limited value to the archaeological historian. Now, however, controlled excavations are conducted there with standards of precision comparable to those expected in the West. Secondly, the results of this research have, especially since 1949, been more and more fully documented in learned periodicals. The task of assembling the evidence and comparing material relics from all over the vast territory of China is now much easier than hitherto. Sites previously excavated inadequately and objects already forming parts of museum collections are being reinterpreted and are gradually falling into place in the general pattern.
progress.
—
Firstly,
—
Mr. Watson's expert knowledge of Chinese him to keep pace with this advance.
enables
Much
of the information contained here has never before been published in English. To the new material, moreover, he has been able to apply the critical standards current
European and American archaeology, and book which the specialist will find an important addition to knowledge, and which will be a source of pleasure
in
so to produce a
to every reader interested in Chinese history
and
its
background.
See back flap for information on the author
Ancient Peoples and Places
CHINA
General Editor
DR.GLYN DANIEL
Ancient Peoples and Places
CHINA BEFOKE THE
HAN DYNASTY
William Watson
PHOTOGRAPHS LINE DRAWINGS AND 3 MAPS
77 65
FREDERICK
A.
PRAEGER
Publishers
New
York
•
Washington
THIS
IS
VOLUME TWENTY/THREE
IN
THE SERIES
Ancient Peoples and Places
GENERAL EDITOR: DRGLYN DANIEL
BOOKS THAT MATTER Published in
in the
United States of America
1961 by Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., Publishers
111 Fourth Avenue,
New
Second Printing [with All
York, N.Y. 10003
corrections)
1966
rights reserved
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 61-14103
©
William Watson 1961
Printed in Great Britain
CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
INTRODUCTION I
Palaeolithic sites
Microlithic Cultures in the
II
ii
THE PALAEOLITHIC AND NEOLITHIC PERIODS The
22 28
Gobi
Desert, Mongolia and Manchuria
31
The Yang Shao Neolithic Culture The Kansu Neolithic Culture The Lung Shan Culture Neolithic Cultures in the Southeast
37 41
THE EARLIER BRONZE AGE: THE SHANG DYNASTY
48
54
Storage Pits
57 58 67
The Chronology of Shang
Sites
The Great Shang Tombs
69
Ritual Bronze Vessels
75
Bronze Casting
79 82
Arms Pottery
Augury The Shang II
7
94 99 State
THE LATER BRONZE AGE: THE CHOU DYNASTY
103
109
Tombs
114 120 122 126
Arms
131
Religion and Feudal Ceremonial Fortified Cities
Architecture
Iron
and the Chariot
I4O
IV
THE ART OF THE BRONZE AGE Motifs of the Sbang Period Innovations of the Early Cbou Period
The Middle Cbou Period Interlacery and local
Northern Styles
Bronzes of the Cb'u State Some Unorthodox Funeral Art
An
Independent Bronze
Art
I48
150 157 160 162 168 178
in
Yunnan Sculpture and fade Carving
180
184
TEXT REFERENCES
187
BIBLIOGRAPHY
192
SOURCES OF ILLUSTRATIONS
204
THE PLATES
20$
NOTES ON THE PLATES
253
INDEX
261
1
ILLUSTRATIONS plates
2
i,
3
4 5
6
Earth impressions, Hsi Pei
8
Royal Shang tomb, Hsi Pei Musical stone,
ii
Chariot burial,
12
Stepped
13
15
Shang Bronze Shang Bronze Shang Bronze
16
Limestone
17
Shang Shang Shang Shang Shang
18 19, 20, 21
22 23
Kang Kang
Wu Kuan Ts'un Wu Kuan Ts'un
Shang tomb,
io
14
Ta
pit burial,
Ssu
Ta
Kung Kung
Ssu
ritual vessel, tsun ritual axe, yueh ritual vessel, tsun
figure
of seated
man
Bronze
ritual vessel, bo
bronze
ritual goblet,
bronze
ritual vessels, yu, chia,
ku
bronze
ritual goblet, chiieh
24
Oracle bones Early
26
Shang bone handle
27
Horse's head as bronze pole
Chou
bronze harness mounts
finial
vessels, ting,
30
Shang bronze ritual Shang carved white
3
Bronze
yu
ritual vessel,
kwng
clay vase
34
Shang bronze
35
Inscription from kuei
36
Bronze harness mount, and pole Bronze statuette of serving/man
37
li
ceremonial halberd, ko
25
28, 29
3 3,
at
7 9
32,
Pan P'o Ts'un, Shensi Flexed burial grave, Pai Tao P'ing, Kansu Storage pits, Pan P'o Ts'un, Shensi Pottery bowl, Pan P'o Ts'un, Shensi Funeral urns, Kansu Yang Shao culture
Excavations
ritual vessels, ting, kuei
finial
PLATES
38
Bronze bridle cheek'piece
39
Bronze axlccap and linclvpin from chariot
40
Bronze
41
Bronze openwork plaque
42
Bronze axe^head
43
Winged
44
Bronze plaque of tiger and deer
45
Bronze plaque of tiger
46
ko, Shou Hsien and inlaid bronze spearhead Bronze sword with Scythian^type hilt Bronze sword of Classical Chinese type Bronze sword and scabbard Iron bivalve axe mould, Hsing Lung Hsien Earth impressions of chariots, Liu Li Ko
47 48
49 50 5i
52
68,
ritual vessel, ting
tiger as
bronze handle
Bronze halberd,
Inscribed
53
Bronze
bell
54
Bronze mirror
55
Bronze
56
Gilt
57
Bronze
58
Bronze inlaid table-leg
59
Silver/gilt inlaid belt'hook
coffin
handle
openwork dagger handle tiger
man
60
Bronze
statuette
61
Bronze
flask, pien
62
Inlaid base,
63
64
Jade cup, Late Chou jade dragon
65
Late
66
Late
67
Late
69
Inlaid gilded'bronze belthooks
70
Inlaid bronze belthook
71
Carved wooden head, Ch'ang Sha Carved wooden monster, Hsin Yang Bronze spearhead, Shih Chai Shan
72 73
of serving hu
Chin Ts'un Chin Ts'un
Chou jade sword guard Chou ritual jade pi Chou jade slide
8
plates
74
Bronze ornament, Shih Chai Shan
75
Painting on
76
Lacquered
77
Painted design,
figures
1
Map
Ch'ang Sha Ch'ang Sha Hsin Yang
silk,
shield,
of modern
China showing
2
Palaeolithic stone tools, p.
3
Mesolithic tools, p. 31
sites,
p.
20
27
4
Neolithic stone axes and knives, p.
5
Pottery Kilns,
6 8
Yang Shao pottery, p. 43 Painted pottery, Kansu Yang Shao culture, p. 43 Pottery head, Kansu Yang Shao culture, p. 47
9
Map
7
10 11
12 13
14 15
16 17 1
19 20 21
22 23
24
Cheng Chou,
showing find' spots oj
34
p. 40
neolithic sickles, p.
Lung Shan pottery, p. 53 Sector C, Hsiao T'un Anyang, p. 65 Plan and section oj storage pit, Hui Hsien, Plan of great tombs, Hsi Pei Kang, p. 70 Great tomb, Wu Kuan Tsun,p. 73
68
Ritual bronze vessels of the Shang period, p. 77 bolts, pp. 82, 83 Emblematic characters, Shang period, pp. 84, 8$
Arrowheads and cross-bow
Bronze Bronze Bronze
Shang period, p. 86 of the Shang period, p. 86
halberds of the sacrificial knife
socketed axes, p. 87
Knife and spearheads, Late Shang, pp. 88, 89 Key to chariot burial, Ta Ssii K'ung, p. 91
Jade animal amulets, Ta Ssii K'ung, p. 93 Development of pottery, bronzes, stone axes and
26
oracle bones, pp. 96, 97 Bone pins of the Shang period, pp. 98, 99 Table of earliest form of Chinese writing,
27
Pottery of the Western
2$
p.
49
p. 101
Chou period, p. 112
28
Map
29
30
Plan of Chao Wang Ch'eng, p. Engraved decoration, Hui Hsien,
31
Plan of tombs, Pan
of Feudal States, p- 115
(
Po
1
23
p. 12$
Tsun,p. 128
FIGURES
32 33 34 35
36 37
38 39
Bronze
trigger
mechanism of cross-bow, p. 134
Li Ko, p. 13J Bronze swords, p. 138 Bronze sword with hand' and' serpent mark, p. 138 Bronze halberds, p. 140 Bronze spearheads, Chung Chou Lu, p. 141 Reconstruction of chariot, Liu
40
Iron edges for axe and spade, p.
41
Pottery of 6th' 4th centuries B.C., p. 146
42
Designs from Late Shang bronze
43
44
Jade amulets of Later Shang period, p. 155 Bronze pole finial of Later Shang period, p. i$6
45
Decorative motifs from bronzes, p. 160
46 4j
48 49
50 51
$2 53 57 $5
56 57
$8 $9
10
Plan of great tomb, Ku Wei Tsun,p. 130 Plan of shaft grave, Ch'ang Sha, p. 133
1
43 vessels, p. 151
Harness cheek'piece of bronze, p. 161 vessel, Hsin Cheng, p. 162 Dragon motifs, Hsin Cheng, pp. 162, 163
Design from bronze
Dragon diaper motif, Hsin Cheng, p. 164 Bronze hu, Chao Ku,p. 166 Bronze tau, Chia Ko Chuang, p. 167 Design from bronze vase, p. 168 Decoration from bronze hu,p. 169 Dragon and tiger designs, p. ijo Bronze vessels and bells, Sbou Hsien, p. 171 Bronze openwork ornament, p. 172 Bronze belt'hooks, pp. 172, 173 Decoration from lacquered box, p. 173 Decoration from lacquered toilet box, p. 174
60
Silver inlaid design, p. 174
61
62
Painted pottery, Shao Kou, p. 175 Design from lid of bronze tou, p. 176
63
Bronze
64 6$
Figures from musical instrument, p. 179 Decorated socketed bronze axe, p. 181
66
Decoration from bronze drum, p. 183
67
Limestone owl, p. 185
68
Ritual jades of the Shang period, p. 186
inlaid belt'hook, p.
177
1
Introduction
Unlike
some nations
described in the books of
the present series, the Chinese people
is
not difficult to
Yellow river from time immemorial. Even the Palaeolithic race, whose bones have been found there, shares some physical peculiarities define historically. It has occupied the valley of the
with the present inhabitants. While the archaeologist may point out culture'traits which connect with other regions, he discovers
no evidence of
movements from without of a size and coherence likely to determine thenceforth the racial and cultural constitution of the land. The manner and the time of the tribal
colonisation of the great Central Plain of north China, sup'
posing such a thing were ever a definable historical event,
is
beyond knowledge and conjecture alike. Within the larger sphere of eastern Asia the Chinese people as we know it today is better defined by language and culture than in anthropological terms. In general a distinction of the physical type may be observed north and south of the Yangtze river,
a boundary
tural division
which corresponded
between the
relatively
in early times to a cul'
advanced
civilisation
of
and the more primitive south. The popular and brown^eyed, is com/ paratively taller and much of it has the Mongol characteristics of yellow skin, slanting eyes and prominent cheek-bones. But other individuals are lighter of skin, with rounder eyes and flatter cheek/bones. In the south the average height is less, the skin is browner and the Mongol characteristics are rarer. We may assume that the periodic infiltration of tribes from the Central Plain
tion north of this line, black'haired
the north into the settled region of the river valley, a constant
theme in the rulers for
early histories
thousands of
which caused anxiety to Chinese had begun long before these
years,
1
China barbarians appeared as a threat to the half of the second millennium B.C.
Shang
The
state
result
in the second
of this contact
is
some groups of the north Chinese them to the Turkish, Tibetan and
reflected in physical traits in
population which
Tungusic
races.
relate
In the south anthropologists speak of a similar
admixture of elements belonging characteristically to the peoples of south-east Asia. In both areas
it is
assumed
that these extran/
eous racial elements fused with an autochthonous Chinese stock,
though the definition of a pure Chinese
strain
seems to
elude anthropologists, and, fortunately for the theme of this
book, has no bearing on cultural noticeable today are
no
is
The
distinctions
greater than those existing in
and
race of multiple origins, local differences. It
history.
clear,
similarities
any great
preponderate over
however, that the expansion of the
Chinese southwards in the past (culturally the process may be observed from Neolithic times) displaced as well as absorbed peoples of somewhat different ethnic character.
Lolo of south-west China surviving
at
The Miao and
the present day as
'national minorities' are unsinicised remainders of a population
which once covered
whole of the southern region. History records that peoples allied to these, no longer distinguishable from the Chinese population, once occupied territory farther east than their present home. Neolithic and Bronze Age civilisation first arose in China in the region extending westwards from the coast approximately between the 35th and 40th parallels of latitude, comprising the lower and middle course of the Yell ow river as far as its abrupt northward turn on the boundary ofShensi province, the
thence extending westwards along the the river basins of central
zone
is
well defined.
The
Kansu. a lluvial
To
Wei
river valley into
and south this plain of Hopei is bounded the north
by quasi/steppe land on the north, while the northern tracts of Shansi, Shensi and Kansu pass into desert. Kansu is mountain^locked to west, and south, and the succession of east-
12
Introduction
west mountain ranges (Pei Ling Shan, Ch'in Ling Shan, Huai Ling Shan) continuing eastwards through Shensi and
Honan marks
the southern limit of this primary cultural area.
In the south-east, where the mountain line ceases, the land drained into the river Huai, and here the lowlying
around the lower Yangtze, rich in lakes and marsh,
is
tracts
are easily
from the Central Plain. The region we have defined coincides approximately with the distribution of the loess, a fine, compact and permeable soil, fertile and easily worked, which is believed to have been carried accessible
by wind from hither Asia during the Pleistocene period
as a
concomitant of the climatic changes which produced the
Age. In Kansu it lies in great depth, often exceeding 200 feet, and in places is eroded into fantastic narrow ravines. The regime of erosion and the sudden heavy rains which cause it, cease as we pass eastwards through Shensi pro' vince, and from the junctions of the Wei with the Yellow river begins the Central Plain proper. Here the loess has been redeposited by soil/sated rivers which ever tend to raise their beds above the level of the plain and spread their fertilising floods. Th is^ is the regio n where uncontrollable flooding has caused periodic disasters" throughout Chine se history aird where the greater possibilities of irrigationhave helped the farmer with the problem of watering the porous loess. On the
glaciations of the Ice
—
loess ter ritory
of both kinds
nortFT^hjna, though we
flouri shed the Neolithic cultures
shall note differences
remains found in the area of primary Plain.
The
loess
of _
between the
and in the Central
natural route of expansion lay in the south/east
towards the mouth of the Yangtze.
The T'ai
western edge of the Central Plain follows the line of the
Hang
divides
range,
off the
province of Shansi. rain
which descends from
the far north
high parallel valleys which
The same
grassed
continues westwards into Shensi.
constitute
and the
and welWatered To judge from the ter/
13
China occurrence of sites, this upland area was Neolithic farmers; although no ley, it
less
frequented by the
and bar/
less suitable for millet
was more favourable than the plain
was the home of the Chou people,
for grazing horses.
It
the ultimate conquerors of
the Shang.
South of the Shensi plateau the line of the Ch'in Ling Shan beyond the Wei river begins the succession of high mountain chains which bar the
way
of Szechwan, whose
rivers
lithic culture
mountain/locked,
to the
area
flatter
The Neo'
drain into the Yangtze.
of Szechwan connects with a tradition extending
along the Yangtze valley, and borders with the Neolithic tradition
of the Central Plain only
at its
To
province and the Huai river basin. impenetrable separate
mountains
of
a region of frequent
north,
and in
low
early times
inimical to agriculture
the west rise the
Anhui all
but
Yunnan and Sikang which
China from Burma and
The s outh angLiOji th/east is
extension into
the Tibetan plateau.
China beyond the Yangtze wooded than the
oi
hills, still better
probably covered with dense
and l ong
r esistant
forest
to the penetration
of
from the north Civilisation spread slowly there from the middle of the first millennium B.C. Only in the last century B.C. were Chinese armies moving freely on the
cultural influences
.
southern seaboard.
The purpose of
this
book is to give a brief account of the China as revealed by archaeological
material culture of ancient study.
It is
well to recognise at the
cession of Stone, Bronze
start that
and Iron Ages and
are less clearly definable in
China than
their subdivisions
in Europe,
where
system of archaeological classification was evolved. often have occasion to point this contrast with the
We
this
shall
West. If
as a
farming economy pra ctised
exclusively with stone tools, then
we may say that large tracts Age long after the discovery
Neolithic ^culture
is sit fined,
of China remained in a Neolithic
H
sue
the familiar
Introduction
of bronze and even survived for some time
become the normal material of the country.
parts
the early
economic
What
is
for tools in the
after
had
iron
most advanced
more mysterious in the light of West, iron itself was slow to
history of the
replace bronze in the manufacture of weapons. Bronzccasting first
appears in a form which would correspond in the West to a
advanced stage of the technique, having many points comparable to the 'Late Bronze Age' of Europe; and iron was relatively
cast some centuries before it was forged, thus confounding our Western preconception of the natural development of this technique. The period here designated the Later Bronze Age
Age
comprises also a stage equivalent to the Early Iron
of
Europe.
Western archaeologists were surprised
of these
learn
to
departures from the cultural sequence established by long study
They were sometimes inclined by supposing that China had been subjected
in the West.
to
account
to the
for
it
same kind
of acculturation from without that so often determined the course of events in Central and Northern Europe. Here in^
from the higher civilisations of Near East and the Mediterranean, at particular times and by determinable routes, created fairly well defined and intelli'
fluences spreading ultimately
the
gible
cultural
successions.
The development of
China did not depend on such
To
Chinese archaeologists
it
culture in
parcels of external influence.
appears unnecessary to
stress
the
evidence against diffusionist views which brought civilisation to
China from Egypt, Mesopotamia
We
should also note
China
that
is
of early
confined to information which the archaeologist
can provide, and disregards the
much
or the Caucasus.
at the outset that a description
literary tradition, necessarily
can contribute to cultural history. For example, we get a jejune picture of the lives of the Nee lithic and Bronze Age farmers unless we take into account
forgoes
peasants'
that the latter
songs
which were anthologised
in
literary
and
15
China
Ching, the 'Book of Odes' present form betwe^ n_jbe-4iirath and
usually moralised dress in the Shih
w ork
This fifth
reached
The
rpnmnVs R.r
must in period,
its
part reflect
material
.
is
basically traditional an
*» ha1 y J^ercLThe shape of theJiQw, which had no imperishable parts, canoe seen in some emblematic symbols cast on bronze vessels. The arc had a double curve and the upper tip is often .curved .
ARMS Fig. ij Fig.
16
qfrnn^ly nntwprds.
Euman less
figure in
Tts Jjpngffr,
than aboji tibur
fe et.
A
been built of a number of with horn.
It is
when
it
appears alongside a
some oFthe symbols, seems
bow
strips
of
this
to
have been not
shape can only have
of wood, possibly combined ,
Compound bow which eastern Asia as long as the bow
the ancestor of the
remained the standard type in
/
was employed. 8 Its double curve affords a p owerful thrust over a short pull, a nd in this respect it was ideajJoF shooting fro mjhe
^o n finH
,
c,
spearheads.
shang period.
Scale approx. 1:$
89
1 3
China
KEY TO FIGURE 22
I II, III
IV
Human
VII Trace of timber of the
skeleton
VIII Trench cut
Skeletons of horses
Trace of timber of the
V Trench
made
shaft
IX
to receive the
Bronze
Gold
3
Cowrie
XI
26
bell
Black ashy
Domed
soil
disk of mother^of'pearl
28 Bone tube
shells
Bowshaped
29 Tang of bronze arrowhead
object of bronze
30-31 Bronze axle/caps
6 Stone blade
32
Bone ornament
7 Bronze arrowheads
3 3
Eight
domed
disks of bronze
8-io Bone tubes
34 Seven
domed
disks of bronze
1
Bone arrowheads
35 Bronze ring with spur
12 Socket of a bronze axe 1
Bronze
36 Bronze arrowhead 37 Bone tube
chisel
domed
14-15 Bronze arrowheads
38 Bronze
16 Bronze knife
39-40 Bronze ornaments from the
17 Stone point 18
Bone tube
19
Domed
disk
disks (about 58)
yoke
41-42 Harness yokes of
mother^of'
pearl
20 Bone tube
43-44 Triangular plaques of bronze 45 Bronze
domed
disks
(17
46 Bronze domed disks (about 58)
22 Fragments of stone point
47-48 Bronze cheek'pieces
Bone ornament
24 Bone tube 25 Bow'shaped object of bronze
in
number)
21 Disk of mother'of'pearl
23
90
of red lacquer paint
27 Bone ornament
foil
4 Bronze plaque 5
box
X Traces
the wheels
2
Trace of lower timbers of the
Trenches made to receive
i
receive the
axle
shaft
VI
to
axle
49-50 Bronze domed
disks
51-52 Bronze ornaments from foreheads
horses'
The
Earlier
Bronze Age:
the
Shang Dynasty
»v«v»V»VV4v*
^it^wt ^
..TJ
30.
i
i
*•
=
li
...£'"7.:;.;:;:;.
£aii
21 I
>3
>^ A/ it*™
2j
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era 37.
vr
j
/rch sir
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wer northwards in
have encountered the opposition of the Shansi tribes and to have stopped on the line of the T'ai
mountain its
barrier
tributaries
and
dwelt
Hang
mountains. Beyond
this
Yellow
and
farther west along the
tribes
who
river
appear in history as the
Chou
and whose eastward advance o verthrew the Shang and occupied their capital in 1027 B.C. Already in the time of Ting there is mention of a Chou chieftain allied to the Shang. At this time the Shang king is preoccupied with confederacy,
Wu
attacks in the north/west of his territory. In oracle^bone periods
IV and V,
the age of the last four kings, in the late twelfth
and
105
China eleventh centuries B.C., the military oracles are chiefly con/
cerned with hostile peoples
who
appear to inhabit the
east or
from an inscription on a bronze vessel found in Shantung that Chao, the last of his line, undertook a major expedition to the east. It may have been this distraction south/east. It appears
which gave
the
Chou
their opportunity. 14
In the light of the oracle sentences, perhaps inevitably from the nature of them, the cracy.
The king might
Shang
state
appears as a kind of thee
himself act as an augur, increasingly so
in the later periods of the oracle" sentences. sides the
named
names of which some ritualists
He
is assistedj
be/
augurs, by other individuals designated by
recorded in the
are applied also to the earliest
Chinese
shamans and
literature.
of priests of this kind may have included the
The
activity
and communication with the world of spirits and ghosts which is still the role of the village medicine/man in some primitive communities of the Far East. In the ancestors are gods
ecstatic trance
official religion
the royal
whose favour must be ensured, but their less than those of the deity called Shang
powers appear to be
Supreme Ruler, who is able to visit the state witri storm and blight of crops and other disasters. Some _of the sacrifices Ti,
i.e.
reflect
animistic beliefs which, like the presence of shamans,
suggest the nature of the popular religion over
system was raised. Heayenly__hdLrigs were, besides
Shang
who
which
the official
received sacrifice
Ti, the Sun, Clouds, Rain,
Wind and
Western Mother and Eastern Mother. Gods of theearth were Earth itself (denoted by a symbol later used in tTte^nelining of altar, originally representing perhaps an earth mound), the Four Directions, the Mountains and Rivers. In outlying territories the Shang kings appear to have exer/
Snow, and
the
power through officers who figure in the oracle titles of Ho, Po and T'ien. At the end of the Shang period at least, they stood to the king and each other in some kind of feudal subordination, and so foreshadowed the
cised their
sentences under the
106
The
Earlier
Bronze Age:
the
Shang Dynasty
more developed feudalism of the Chou. On the border of the Shang country were the 'regions', /tf«£, some of which accepted Shang suzerainty, while others periodically were at war with the central power/The wisdomof calling on the local terri/ torial rulers to join in a royal punitive expedition was also put j
to the oracular test:
'Ting Mao. The King took an oracle and interpreted. Shall we join our force of T'ien to our force of the Po and punish the Po of the Yu region?' 15
There
named
is
evidence of slavery^ with which some
in the sentences seem to be specially concerned.
which
various terms slaves
officials
may
are interpreted
reflect distinctions
as
among them. The hole show how human beings,
of status
causts observed at royal funerals
whether they were slaves or prisoners of war, might be ficed as chattels.
But it is difficult to accept the view
by Chinese authorities of a that systematic slavery
The
denoting clasjes__of
'slave/state',
was the
basis
sacri/
now adopted
with the implication
of the economy.
On
the
other hand the oracle sentences tell us nothing of peasants be/ yond the mention of the grains which they cultivated. There is slight evidence in the sentences that irrigation was practised, though the great co ncern with the prognostication of rain and the prospering ofcrops suggest that it was not very extensive.
The
of characters denoting grain
identification
is
beset
with
doubts. Varieties of millet are believed to have provided the
main crops and
the mention of rice,
which could hardly be
cultivated without carefully controlled irrigation,
As in the in the
known tmued
picture
West, the to us
is
uncertain.
we have formed of Bronze Age communities
life
of the peasants of Shang times
than that of
to cultivate
with stone hoes and digging
reap with stone knives. Before the spread of iron, available to them.
The
is little
more
They con/ and to metal was not
their neolithic forebears.
sticks,
kings of Shang, with their extrav
agant hunting expeditions, their bloody funeral
pomp,
their
107
:
China
and eventual
charioteers, their priest/like role
more
the
and
vessels
nstruments of
survived the
Chou
in
Age
deification, are
world, both east
west.
The bronze i
Bronze
familiar figures of the
consigned to Shang graves were primarily but they
sacrifice ,
fall
times.
of Shang and attained
The Shang
inscription appropriating cestor, the series
fulfilled also
vessels
them
a social role,
political
importance
sometimes have a brief
for sacrifice to a particular an^
individual being denoted by one of the calendar
often symbols.
The
briefest ins criptions
name
the
by a single character, stating that he 'made a pre cious
Ancestor
vessel for (sacrifice to)
mula
is
(e.g.)
maker
sacrificial
Ting'. Often this for^
preceded or followed by an emblem, distinct from the
ideographs of the ordinary
script.
Sometimes only the emblem
appears, or the maker's name, or 'vessel' with the ancestor's ritual
calendar symbol.
that the
Although
emblematic characters
the theory
are totemic
is
marks,
now it
rejected
seems clear
that they are a personal designation of some kind, probably the
signature of a clan or great family.
On a few vessels assigned to
Shang a fuller formula appears, e.g. The King was in the East Hall. The King
the latest decades of l
Keng
shen.
augustly came.
The
stowed
of cowrie
5 strings
sacrificial vessel for
Minister
Hu
shells.
followed him.
They were used
Ancestor Ting,
to
He
be'
make
a
In the 6th month, in the
King's 25th year
The
inscription describes a royal
currency (or at
least a
award of cowries, a form of
valuation of goods), and the recipient,
using the gift to honour an ancestor, has recorded it and announced it piously to his ancestors. The dedicatory texts, far more frequent, in which there is no question of a royal gift, suggest that some form of clan organisation persisted in the upper class of the Shang population and was the basis of an ancestor worship like that practised by the kings.
108
Chapter
The Later Bronze Age: c onquest of the Shan^ The of house of Chou and
Chou Dynasty
the
by_the rulers
territory
the political arrangements
the
which ensued have been regarded by Confucian
III
histori ans as a
THE FEUDAL EMPIRE OF THE CHOU
revolutionary upheaval, the most important event in the early history
of Chin a. According toliistorical tradition the motive
Chou
for the
attack
was
to chastise the
Shang king
debauchery and neglect of the public weal. Moral
of this kind
propagated in the older parts of the Shu Ching,
is
which were composed in the earliest
Chou
kings.
of
early decades
found also in inscriptions cast of the
for his
justification
on bronze
Chou
rule. It is
vessels in the reigns
The Chou were
later believed to
be
which they instituted and public and private loyalt ies
the o riginators of the feudal ord er
of the
therefore the fountain-head
upon which Confucius founded
his ethical system..
Yet be/
cause a reigning dynasty must be recognised as culturally superior to the peoples of the outer territories of the empire, the
Chou
once
are presented at
as political saviours and, until the
eve of their conquest, as cultural barbarians. There are indica-
was not
tions that this
so,
but the archaeological evidence for
the cultural status of the western region
period
most
Age
is still
very slight.
It is
interesting discoveries
culture in
From
China
the histories
perhaps in
will be
made
and from
first
The
this direction that the
concerning the origins of Bronze
something can be gleaned of the dynastic successors.
during the Shang
in the future.
Shang
the
oracle sentences
earlier history
centre of the
of the Shangs'
Chou kingdom
lay at
on the upper courses of the Ching and upland country suitable for both agriculture The Chou potentate mentioned in oracle sen-
in western Shensi,
Wei
rivers , in
and drovin g.
tences of the time of the
Shang king
Wu
Ting
is
called 'hou^
109
China ('marquis')
and seems
to belong to a
group of local
rulers so
who normally accepted the suzerainty of Shang. In the case of Chou it must have been an uneasy submission from the start. One sentence queries the auspices of a punitive expedi' designated
by the Shang king against the Chou, in which the forces of the royal clan were to be joined to those of a hou called Ch'uan. The latter, in the light of later tradition, may denote the ruler of nomadic peoples in the north-west, probably tion
occupying the northern
The Chou were quarter themselves.
wards and rivers.
tracts
of Shansi and Shensi. 1
apparently expe riencing pressu re from this
They were
at first
later to the south, farther
obliged to
move
westy
downstream on the Shensi
Here, in the vicinity of the modern Si/an Fu, were built
Feng and Hao From fliese the camp aign against the Shang kingdom was eventually l aunched The Cfiou state was powerful en nngh even by the midd le" of the Shang period t o arouse the fears of theHangs of the^^finttaTTiain an d provoke an attack by them. An enemy who could threaten the Shang state must have possessed kmpyp wpapnm, and a considerable military organisation. Even after the conqueit of 1027 B.C. the Chou kings r emained in their capita l in sout h Shensi The fortress city of Ch'eng Chou (not to be confused with Cheng Chou!) which they built in Honan nea r Loyang, from which to dominate the Central Plain, remained a secondary the cities^o f
.
.
.
capit al until 771 B.C.
Then
th e loss of the western territories to
invading Junp; nomads a reversal aided by a palace intrigu e, co nfined the kinp;s to the Honan capital and made of it the ,
centre of the s ion
Chou
tt ate.
between a Western
This event
is
taken to mark the divi^
Chou and an
Eastern
Ch ou
period
Cl027-77I. 771-222 B.C. ).
The
forces led
by the
Wn
Wang against Shang some of wEom appear to have
Chou king
consisted of a federation of tribes,
been of Turkish or Tibetan origin. T3ut the bulk of people over
no
whom
the
Chou
kings ruled in their western homeland
The Later Bronze Age: cannot have been nomadic In the Shang .
denoted by an ideograph (which representing a
s quare field
that the choice of the
is
texts the
the character
divided into four.
symbol was an allusion
It is
Chou still
Chou Dynasty
the
are
used)
quite likely
to their practice
of agriculture, a recognition that the Cho u, l ike the Shang themselves and unlike the majority of the Shang's enemies, based their power on a farming peasantry In contrast to
this,
whom
Wu
.
the term ch'uan^JAo^, used to denote the people
Ting was prepared to use in an attack on Chou, may allude to their n omadic Ji fe, in which the dog was specially important for droving.
Upon
S hang king his so n was enfeoffed b y Shang territory in Hona n. Shortly afterwards Wu Wang's son and su ccessor Ch en g Wang, assisted by Wu Wang's brother, the Duke of Chou, who acted as regent, was obliged to crush a Shang revo lt. The S hang vassal was executed_ and a Chou ruler, another royal brother was set over his territory as marqui s of the feudal state of Wei Other members and relative s of th e Chou royal the defeat of the
Wu Wan g
in part of the central
,
.
clanjfrf*^ gpf nvfr tV^ states of
Yen (Hopei) Lu (shantung), ,
a nd Ch*! (Shantu ng). These four were the
first
great feudatories .
nder them were^eventually ranged hundreds of small fiefs.
The
first
concern of ih e
Chou
city
leade rs, as ot the leaders
ofthe nomads' armies in Asia inlater times, was to reward the
commanders who had served un der them. The whole of northern Ch ina was garrisoned by troops loyal to the Chou king, whose own territory under direct rule was confined to the r egion around the ea stern capital at^ Loyang The £hou partitioning^ of theempire into fiefs and the in' stitution of five classes of hereditary nobilit y continued a method of decentralising power which we see fore shadowed in Shang^ times, it was now more minutely and systematically regulated Obeisance an d tribute^ pa ssed up the ranks ofthe feudal hie r^ .
.
archy to the king
at the top.
The
nobles were required" to
in
China
Fig. 2 j Pottery of the Western
B.C.
Chou period,
late
nth^early 8th centuries
Scale approx. 1:10
journey periodically to the capita l. But in practical
affairs the
was more taken up with the sub/ and administration of the lands granted them in fief. Although the fe udal state s were under an obligation to supply garrison troops to the Chou kin g, no large army was permitted to be formed under his control. Military assistance _was lfp f ^ fk» Wnp; by th ^ states acting independen tly. IrTtnis lay the germ of the inter/state rivalries, the le aguing "togeth er, the creation of new states and the swallowing up of older ones attention of the feudatories
jection
112
The Later Bronze Age:
which determined hundrecTvears
home was
.
at a
Chou Dynasty
the
the course of Chinese history for eight
from
the start the king in his north/western
disadvanta ge, for he was neares t at hand to stem
the inroads of nomad s, badly placed to enforce his policies
Fig 28
on
the feudatories, and, having a greater proportion ot semi'
nomadic people in his territory, perhaps less able to build his power upon a settled peasantry than were the feudal rulers of the eastern parts of the Central Plain. Even the semblance o f a c entral p ower passes with the defeat of King Yu in 771 B.C. and the move oi his successor P'ing to the capital at JLoyang The t erritory he relinquished reconquered from the pretender and his barbarian supporters, b ecame the fief of Ch'in whose expansion westwards centuries late r was to close the chapter of feudal history and imit£lhe empire under a single comman d. In the centuries after 771 B.C some score of feudal states con' .
,
,
.
tended togeth er, using the apparatus of feudal allegiance to
Chou
means
as a
while could
hegemony
ally
own
The Chou king
fo7"a
himself with the strongest contender
The
to their
ends.
.
which had Shantung peninsula and by its position astride water routes had become an important centre of trade. It also benefited from a state' organised monopoly of salt, produced from the sea^— an advant' age which Chou itself is said to have enjoyed in the Fen River valley of its homeland. From Ch'i the hegemony passed to other northern state s, a ll of which w ere gradually compelled t o sink their differences as a~threat gr ew trom Hsiao/Tun period There is no doubt that at least during the t
ieh
Plate
20
.
latter
toire
part of the occupation of the northern capital the reper/
of ornament and the
skill available to
render it in metal had
An innovation at Hsiao T'u n was to c ombine
greatly increased.
masks and dragons with sm all gpnmpTrir fl^u^s. S piral s and hooks in engraved line cover the raised portions of the main elements an d the whole is set on a groun d of small, tight spirals of circular and SdUaf'dd 'Shape, the thunder pattern so named from its resemblance to a character ot the script. The
the
l
,
effect gives
a res tless confined
movement
to the design, like the
an elementary sea/creature. borne simpler schemes found at Hsiao T'un come close to the Cheng Chou style, the fr iezes prornament being rendered squirming
ot the cilia ot
which has the appearance of being engraved on a flat surface. But on nobl e r vessels this o rnament is renned, rep eated arid elaborated to cover the whole available surface, set in horizontal band s and divided vertic^ ally h y prominent Hang es, the deeper ot which have rows of
e ither in thin raiseoTine or in a line
T/shaped c uts just tailing to penetra te their thicknes s. The" 't hunder pattern is an addition to this evolved decor, and is ne ver found with the simpler designs At the same time, as the 1
.
horror vacui seizes the
rh omboi and
s cale
draughtsmen, ihey introduce zigzags.
pat terns.
The
final
stage in the log ical
de velopment oTthe ornament seems to be reached
of the designs are raised in hi gh t
wo
sometimes in
~
parts
relief at
when horns and ears project into space, and may be made in the shapes of animals.
levels,
vessels
relief,
when
w hole " '
153
— China
This rich st yle must have matured in the la ter part of the Hsiao Tun period perhaps not before the end of the twelfth ,
century B.C
.
It is vessels
The
sionally.
carved ornament of the fine white pottery cor'
responds to this
Plate 30
material
so decorated that bear inscriptions occk'
style
with only such differences
would account
as the different
for. Stylised birds , s nake s
and cicadas
are included in the bronze decoration L wlnle entire vessels take
the shapes of rams, elephants
and owls. But the field in which was still strictly limited. If
the draughtsmen could experiment
we
discern magical intent in the swathing of sacred vessels in
monster
masks and
£
^-
dragons
—and
we may imagine
inescapable
that
conclusion
seems
the craftsman conforming to
superstitious custom.
Beginning with the ornament of ritual narrow but powerful convention dominated no
vessels, this
in the embellishment of
less
The
weapons and
utilitarian objects.
formal and dramatic potentialities of the few conventions
were exploited more intensively than was ever done in similar circumstances elsewhere in the ancient world, whether in
Maya and Aztec Shang approaches most
Egypt, Greece of the Geometric Age, or the cultures of Central
America which
the
closely in spirit.[The great bronze vessels
the
Shang dynasty seem
symbol of the magical
of the
to culminate the quest for
rite
of
memberment which was lesser extent the k'uei
naturalistic
Plate 15
ting
into
f
dragon.
The
arresting
intact as
t
ao
t'ieb,
and
to a
and comparatively found on a famous
Hsiao T'un, rams' heads such as those on the in the British Museum, the elephants and owls formed
vessels,
at
were probably
all
animals which were slaughtered The manner in which the art into three categories,
acceptable
as
representing
in the royal sacrifices.
motifs are combined shows d ivision of the motifs o f Shang Karlgren places together the bovine
interesting divergencies. In his
154
an
art resisted the dis'
apt to overtake the
bovine masks, the deer mask
excavated
great tsun
decades of
sacrifice."!
Certain designs used in Shang bronze
Plate 14
last
The Art of the Bronze Age
Fig. 43 Jade amulets. Later
Shang
period. 14th' 11th centuries
B.C.
British
Museum.
Scale 2:3
mask, intac t
t'ao t'ieb, t'ao t'ieh
with a coher ent 'body', cicada
and vertical k'uei. Tnp^ mntifi nr r^combined into all-over ornament which is free of the tendency to linear ela boration and d issolution. Trie 'dissolved fao t'ieb, a form ol bird 111 Wllll'h the tail has become separated from the body, and repetitive minor geometrical figures associated with these, are never com/ bined with motifs taken from the first group. third list, com/
F&47
A
prising the less abstracted
t'ao t'ieh,
the varieties of horizontal
and another series of geometric figures, makes use of motifs which appear combined indifferently with
k'uei,
the intact bird
155
China
Fig.
44 Bronze pole
Later
Jinial.
Shang period. 12th' nth century B.C. British
Museum. Scale 1:2
elements belonging to either of the two other groups.
Karlgren argues that the forms and greater
first
group, with
its
plasticity, represents a style
From
this
more coherent of
earlier date
than that which made use of motifs belonging to the second group, though the two
may have overlapped
for a time.
This
conclusion has not been generally accepted; the evidence from
Cheng Chou,
as
we have
seen, tends to disprove
an
andjhe
'dissolv ed' styles ot
attac hed
t
o
No less
al ternative
differe nt
It is
it.
pos'
explanation, that the more naturalistic
sible, as
ornamenTwere
the
work
ot artists
bronze ioundries.
than the creators oFthe later animal
art
of the steppe
nomads of central Asia, the Shang artist could observe animals and portray them with unaffected naturalism,
sympathetically
w henever laid aside,
t
he c onventions of the ornamental
buch
subjects as the side
style"
miflht be"
view of deer with reverted
156 f*
The Art of the Bronze Age heads on a wine bucket (yu), 1 profiles of Przewalski's steppe
on bronze 2 and of deer, hare and birds among the small jade amulet plaques, are sensitively drawn without decorative bias. The realism and expression of the head, and the stance of a zoomorphic vessel can create a vivid illusion of life even when the form as a whole is fantastic. These horse in the
are hints
emblems
cast
of a naturalistic
art practised
alongside the hieratic
convention proper to the sacral bronzes and funeral
Have £6me
down
to us.
The
Chinese, too specialised in
its
hieratic style
is
gifts
Plate 27 Fig. 44
which
fundamentall y
forms and application to have
had any influence beyond the Yellow river valley to the north and west. But the naturalistic animal art belongs to a wider tradi tion. Some of its most striking products at Hsiao T'un were the horse and ibex heads decorating the handles of the bronze knives found in the graves of the later period. These, with the Bronze Age of southern form of the knife and the style of the animal ornament. We cannot be certain in which direction the artistic influence passed between Siberia and China. Future research may solve the problem by revealing something of the as
we have
seen, are links
Fig. 21a
Siberia, both in the
bronze culture of north Shensi and Kansu, territory,
The
i.e.
the intermediate
during Shang times.
artistic traditions
no
less
than the political
of the innovations OF THE conquest of state
to be overthrown by the Chou 1027 B.C. Students of the bronze vessels and their inscriptions have paid more attention to the problem of distip g"t>hi n p; ^ re Shang from early Chou than to any other. Since the number of
Shang were due
Bronzes assured of a Shang date by excavation
is
small
com/
pared with those which survive without documentation, the
argument has turned inevitably on intrinsic features and on the evidence of inscription. By this means Karl/
generally
gren demonstrated that
Shang seems
style
many
or namental motifs of the late
survived into tHe tenth century B.C. Indeed, he
finally
to have
despaired of establishing any simple
157
China criteria earliest It
distinguishing
for
Shang
vessels
from those of the
decades of Chou.
has often been assumed that the changes seen in the bronze
vessels after
1027 B.C.
new
inferior taste
and
masters corrupting the art be/
queathed to them by Shang. But
Chou
of the
are the result
technical resources of the
it is
more probable
that the
people were already familiar with monster masks and
dragons in their homeland in Shensi, that they shared mytho/
and artistic traditions broadly with the Shang, even if their art had a distinct local character. Unfortunately excava / tions have thrown no light on the nature of Chou art before their move eastwards to conquer Shang in 1027 B.C The earliest inscribed and datable bronze vessel from the western region is a ho wine pourer from Bin T11 TVun in Shens i which belongs to the reign of King u, in the later tenth century B.C. But there are many signs that the Chou brought logical
.
M
something of their
own
into the culture of the Central Plain.
In the decoration of the bronze vessels the changes that occur so on after
me rely
1027 B.C. are too sudden and too positive to be T he expansion of the bronze
the result of defeneration.
inscriptions in the
and elegant
Chou reigns, their sophisticated language suggest that the Chou scribes were not
first
script,
merely pupils of their Shang predecessors, any more than the
ornament of the Chou bronzes were entirely dependent on what they copied from Shang art. In one case at least, a bronze kuei bowl set on a square pedestal in a manner unknown at Hsiao T'un the phrasing of the inscription makes
designers of the
,
one strongly suspect that
it
was
cast before
Wu Wang's defeat
of the Shang. 3 It is
certain that after
morrow of the and
158
fall
1000 B.C.
of the capital
at the latest, if not at
on
the very
Hsiao T'un, th e graphic
out ot
bronze deco rs most charac teristic of Shanft art fel l fashio n. 1 he most typical and eccentric S hang shapes,
the ku t
cbtieb, cBia
relief
and the zoomorphic
vases, ceased to be made'.
1
The Art of the Bronze Age
The
dissolved
t[ao t'ieh
among
s olid designs are favoured
r
scrollery
and the
beco
me
More
rarer.
outlines are often frilled
wi th
ows of hookylike quills not seen before. At times the relief is__ and is concerned more with producing a startling
grotesque,
p rofil e than with enlivening
the interest of surface ornament.
Deep jagged
some of the
flange s overload
the only innovations, one
shapes. If these were
Chou
might speak of
art as
barous exaggeration of features present in germ in
But
s imultaneously,
or very shortly afterwards,
a bar/
Shang
t here
art.
appea r
Plate 34
more refine d shapes and ornament which do not derive fr om Hsiao Tun. The kuei of the Marquis of Hsing p reserved in the British Museum illustrates one of these. The motifs of the decor are d epicted in a thin raised and rounded line on a plain ground The r estraint of the ornament and the dignity of other
.
th e vessel contrast utterly with the plastic extravaganzas of other
p ieces which must be nearly contemporary.
From the l ate eleventh century B.c.:t ne tense u pward move/ mentof the profile characteristic of the Hs ifln T'n n vessel^ ewes way to heavier more inert shapes with curves spreading i n the lower part The handled kuei and the vu wine bucke t, in
Plate
3
.
which
this c hange in the feeling for
are comparatively
r are
among
form can
best be followed,
known
with certainty to
vessels
h ave been excavated in or aroun d Hsiao T'un. hand, both figure in a number ot tomb
sets
On
the other
of sacral
vessels
thought to be of late S hang date found farther to the south/west "
in the same province, near as the eastern ca pital
here
is
of the
Lovang first
,
the place due to be chosen
Chou
rulers . 4
Their appearance
perhaps a cultural sign of the encroachment of the
which culminated in the defeat of the Shang king. The role which the Chou rulers assigned to
Chou
the ritual
bronzes pronzes in rneir their poli political tical ceremonial ensured tn the of e dispersal 01 t
hese throughout the
t heir
Shan
control,
in
J
te rritory
which
th ey
had brought under
he inscribed kuet recently tnnnrl
Kiangsu
testifies at
once both to
at
Vpn Tun
this dispersal
and
Plate 33
to
159
China the independence of the
Chou
tradition of bronze craft, for
its
shows that the vessel was cast in or just after the reign of King Ch'eng at the end of the eleventh or the very
inscription
beginning of the tenth centuries B.C. Kuei of the shape seen
at
Yen Tun Shan, with high
foot,
natural than the
continued to be made well into the
and four heavy handles surmounted by animal heads (the form of these is sometimes reminiscent of a deer head, but they are no more t'ao t'ieh),
tenth century. Often the
Fig. 45
hooked
bowl was
set
flanges
on a high base or on four be based on the t'ao t'ieh
low feet. The decoration might still though occasionally a pair of heads with gaping jaws face each other in side view. But before iooo r.c. a form of con/ ventionalised bird with long' tail a nd p]nme ipvaH ed the decoration,
and in
its
was
larger versions
the basis of
some of7
tKeJinest designs of the tenth century .
In the middle and
THE MIDDLE
later part of the
Western
Chou
period
CHOU STYLE
950-771) the c ommonest vessels are a new type of tinjr with hemispherical bowl set on bul ging curved legs, kue i with
Plate 32
l
( c.
id
and
large monster^head
o fa food container termed
hand les, and
a re ctangular version
The de coration
fu.
is
coa rser, being
and tw isteci/and/ popular. For the first time
oiten designed in a broad Hat band. Rolled Fig. 4$
rolled dragons of a
crh prnp r eminiscent
^t
new kind ra
are
tge/scale repetitive fig ures,
in detail of the dragon pattern.
One
g eometric, o r motif
freq uent
two recumbent Gs set either side ofa sm all boss whic h eye. The motifs are developed as seermtnJ2e_theve^ geomejucaljfjgures in a spirit quite distinct from the more
"rfqprnh jes
Fig. 4$ Decorative motifs ljatt
160
ntb'i8tb
centuries
from
B.C.
bronzes,
The Art of the Bronze Age qgganic formulas o f the older
style s.
In the light of the
later
Chinese bronze art the rise of the Middle Chou style even more signific ant f n the re placement of the Shang
history ot
^
is
tradition
by the
of the
style
Where and when
early
the middle
but the choice must
certain,
T he
Chou period Chou style was .
lie
evolved
between central
is
un/
Honan an d
example of the decumbent Gs motif is the decoration of the neck and lid of the ho from P'u Tu Ts'un in southern Shens i, which belong to the late any bronze vessels with ornament of sinu^ tenth century B.C. .ous dragons in the broadband manner come from excavations at Hsin Chen^ in Honan from tombs which range in date from about 900 B.C. to the late seventh or early sixth centuries. These were not systematically recorded, but the excavations at the cemetery of the Kuo state in Honan (p. 135 above) produced southern Shensi.
earliest datecT
?
M
,
gravcgroups
several intact
ot
bronze vessels similar in shapes
Fig.
Harness
46
cheek'piece
bronze.
of
8tb^yth
B.C.
century
Museum-
British
Scale 1:2
and ornament the age of the
B.C.
we
are
to the earlier part
of the Hsin
Cheng
find.
Since
Kuo
tombs is deemed not to descend below 655 on ftood ground in attributing the broadban d
stvlfLof dragons to the
Figs.
4J-49
two centuries between 900 and 700 B.c? Hsin Cheng and Kuo graves cover the
The b ronzes of the when the Chou
rulers were experiencing great pressure from the barbarians inhab iting the north-western region en^
p eriod
closed in the great loop o f the Yellow riven Attacks by the
Tung c ompelled the king to move his seat to Loyang in 771 Between 660 and 6^0 the Ti held the terri-
B.C. (See p7 113.)
Wei
tory of
Loyang of
in north
in 64 8
Cheng
Honan.
W
ith the
and then proceeded
lying south ot the Y ellow river.
had marr ied a Ti
Jung
King Hsiang who royal domain ,
was driven from his in 63 $ s poradic inroads of nomads c ontinued century.
One
princess,
into the sixth
archaeological trace ot this infiltration
the spread of c rouched burials along the (see p.
they attack ed
to operate against the state
128 above).
The
Yellow
is
probably
river valley
degree of contact between the settled
161
Chinese. and nomadic peoples in the north-west
we may
sup/
pose to have t?een much closer than is implied in the h istories' rfmtrsgf hpfwppn P.kinpcp aprl 'barbarians', Ethnically the two groups were akin a^d the pponnmi c aspects of separated Fiji.
4J Interlaced
dragons
from
Hsin
Cheng,
Honan. 8th 'early jth
century
it is
which
for either.
not surprising, even as early
a
bronze vessel found at
them were not immutable
In the light of these events
life
B.C.
as the ejghth or seventh centuries art ajrt
which two o r three of theHoomajJof
B.C ., to find trends in Chinese
centurieTTat er can be identified in the
on
thf_ Asiatic steppes ,
hrnn7es anddecorated knives
.
The nomads ha d
for pure geometric pattern, spirals,
th eir harness
ong taste beading, rope-tw istxa"d a
str
p laits, which they combined with their fantastic animal themes Some of these minor geometric motifs appear on the Hsin .
Fig- 47
""
INTER'
LACERY AND LOCAL NORTHERN STYLES
A
'
great feature of steppe_art as
laceryl Pattern
with which
horses they were so
much
patterns
weaving the
we know
it
lines
seem
almost
of their
as
horsemen and breeders of Th e S hang and earl y
concerned.
figures,
deliberately
to
avoid
inter-
however complicated. But
Star-
162
later is inter-
of t his kind was probably inspired by the plaiting
of ropes a nd thongs
Chou
——
"""
Cheng v essels.
at
&M>
.
The Art of the Bronze Age
Hsin Chen g
interlacery appears, at
.
ribbonvlike dragons
whose
ot the ninth century.
The
is
ancestry
is
first
timidly, applied to
date of these dragons at
perhaps a hundred years
later.
on vessels Hsin Cheng
to be sought
The b and of
interlacery
Fig. 48a, b
is
o ften decorated in engraved line with a repeated figur e: a brie fspiral curling
on
^g\ rl
to the
bj^eofan_elongated_triangle—-the
The dragon has be/ rnm^ ynprply^ajonp line, usua lly doubled, terminatin g in a head which gets increasingly"" bird/like. I nterla ced pattern Volute anH
tr
of the
art historians.
Fig. 49
appears also in tight, squared unit s. In the transformation of
fhed r^on bend s we maj Lsee an InrTuence from, or perhaps the o rigin of, the griffin head which figures so prominently in s teppe art.
Last to appear are units of pattern consisting of tight/
packed curved and hooked elements with a scatter of eyes, un/ except as a degeneration of interlaced pattern from whtr4j fhp rrnccing ar e omitted This o ccurs on a series of tal l v ases which resemble so closely pieces we shall presently des/ cribe from a tomb 600 miles away to the south-west, at Shou Hsien in Anhui province, that one might think them products
i ntelligible
.
fi
of the same workshop.
Fig.
48 a,
b,
Dragon
motifs used in the decoration of bronze vessels
found
at
Hsin Cheng
Honan. jth Century B.C. (from rubbings)
163
China
•^^SP^^^^S^^^^ Fig. 49
Diaper of
century
B.C.
The
interlaced dragons on a bronze vessel.
s maller
on the latest' Hsin (^heng clearly^ casting moulds with a stampr^Taj
repe titive units of design found
looking groups
oi
we re impressed o n as we can tell tfiis
blliuzL to the
llll'ihuil
a nd early Crh nlL periods
ornament has a
vlsslK from
WdW iim
when
lesotled to in the Sha_n g
in the best
vi tality inse parable
model necessary for each piece.
164
Hsin Cheng, Honan. jth'6th
1
wor ks
the bronze.
irom the individual
wax
he use of the stamp and the
— The Art of the Bronze Age covering of surfaces with the small identical motifs which
which was to per ^ On the Hsin Cheng sist until the end of the Chou period and vessels decorated on their main surfaces by this means it animals modelled monotony of compensate for the as if to fully in the round were added as handles, bases or finials. Tall vases stand on a pair of tigers, and tigers with reverted heads cling to the sides. Tortuous dragon/handles reflect the same
it
encouraged
set
a fashion in decorative art .
—
On
baroque tendency.
these animals curled snouts,
Fig. 48a
hear ts
formed of double rounded claws and th e and brief spiral set over the main limb joints
shapeol ears, feet
^pecu liar^circle
Plate 41
Plates 44,45
jujjTonventions which recur in steppe
art, whether of southern China. 5 They are common in Chinese art of the middle Chou period, from the late seventh to the fifth centuries, and their special connexion with
Siberia or of the
Ordos region
bronze harness trappings
of
Plate
42
Plate 43
another pointer to the north-west,
is
and of
the region of horse^raising
fraternisation
of Chinese
and nomad. Before tracing the history of the late
Yellow
takes us south of the
bulent
Ch'u
state,
we may
of Li
style,
which
of the tur^
glance at two local variants of the
animal'interlacery style in the north. after the village
Hsin Cheng
river into the territory
Yu n i
One
of these
is
named
Plate
40
the north-east corner of Shansi
was made and oval SsSEE wtrh inf orming
province, where an important find of bronze vessels
n 1923 Here the spherical deep lids and ring/base. or three small
i
.
with engraved dragons
,
w hich
friezes
on
feet ('ting) are
covered
of apparently continuous interlacery of
closer inspection proves to be a repetition
of identical stamped
units.
The
rib bon
o f the interlacery
is
with close spirals and neaMriangle s not much different from those we noted in Hsin Cheng. V olutes are placed at the
Tilled
e nd of a
where It turns in a right angle. This ornament often includes a stylised iulMace animal mask based on a ramVhead, and the lids are decorated with ribbon, or
at points
165
China naturalistic sheep, buffalo or birds, three sensitively
the
stumpy
legs.
The masks
"but the resemblance magic.
of each on a
vessel,
modelled in the round. Monster masks surmount
The
vessels
is
a revival of the
s uggest
remote. There
may have been
t'ao t'iek
no longer the hint of
is
used in
sacrifice,
but
they'
have now acquired a secular elegance, suited to more festi ve and mundane occasions. The panels of decoration are often se parated
by a
relief pattern
plaited rope.
ot
bronzes belong probably to the centuries B.C.
Chou
are
seventh or the sixth
late
some of the most
attractive
products o f
art.
Ornament
Figs, so, si
They
The Li Yu
re lated to that
c avated in 1953 at
Chia
of Li
Yu
is
Ko Chuan^
seen on bronzes ex^ n ear T' ang Shan in
Hopei province One of these is a fit/, a nearly globular ves sel which appears for the first time about ^00 B.C ., and another a .
y/',
Figs. S2,
166
S3
a water container,
mad e here to
a notably individual design. 6
But one elegant vase introduces a style ot decoration unxnown at Li Yii or Hsin Cheng. It consists of a nimated huntin scenes fi gures of men and animals crisply drawn in pane formed by the plaited rope carrying/cradle which is simulated ,
Ku near,
Fig.
so Bronze hu. From Chao
Hui
Hsien, Honan. Height 37-8 cm.
The Art of the Bronze Age
m bronze on the sides of the vase. and
deer
The animal s include boar, would appear to be real game fanciful among them and a creatureresemblin% an
birds^ which
phoenix/like bird
elephan t, which
is
.
no
is
less
imaginary in
A
elc
this setting, since
phant have not lived wild in Central China in
historical times.
The huntsmen are armed with spears and one is followed by a number of similar hunting hu are preserved in col'
dog
.
A
'
but hitherto no find/place had been recorded.
lections,
shows
bowmen
One
shooting at birds with arrows to which cords
are attached (intended
probably to help in recovering them),
and a chariot driven by a man wearing an animal mask, as if a kind of sympathetic magic were part of a hunting ritual. Another famous piece includes a hunting scene with others illustrating a great variety of activities. Another hunting hu, the only inscribed piece which is known, commemorates a sacrifice at a place in the territory of Yen, in the modern pro/ vince of Hopei. The Yen state maintained its i ndependence from the eighth century B.C.
until
it
was overthrown by Ch'in
sho rtly b e fore the unification of 232 B.C
eluded the modern Hopei and extended
We
.
Its
territory
in/
Fig.
51
tou, from
Chuang,
Bronze
Chia
Height
Shan.
3S'S cm
-
far to the north-east.
can readily imagine that in the sixth century B.C. the
population of
this
region stood to tribes inhabiting Manchuria
and the forested tracts beyond the Amur river in much the same relation as the Chinese of the north/west did to the Jung and Ti. Here as in the north-west cultural i nfluences emanating from the barbar ians could be transmitted
Some such connexion may J
'hunting
style
.
it
presents oi the
whether in Africa or
li
ne on
plastic
S ome
China
the style
hunt in progress
is
anoma/
are curiously
rock drawings of primitive huntsmen,
reminiscent of the
lian isthmus.
P lain 7
aiTOllng for the appearance of the~
in the state of Yen In
lous: the pictures
to the Central
at the
figures
opposite end of Asia in the Kare/
of tigers and dragons represented in
F& 54
Chia Ko Chuang recall the flamboyant animals of Hsin Cheng vases, but the scales and dots flat
Ko
Vang
surfaces at
167
China
which
fill
variant of
They which was now due
the outlines arc distinctive.
an animal
style
Hopei
are the
to spread
from
the Central Plain into the Yan^tse vallev._
BRONZES OF THE CHU STATE
soo B.C. the lo weaving region south of the Huai
x3y
mountains^ forming the mi ddlebasin of the Yangtze with
its
Yang river
system of lakes and tributaries, was under the control
of the powerful Ch'u
whose rapid expansion and aggres / now a dominant feudal states. factor in the politics of the large number of bronze vessels, weapons and ornaments that have reached collections during the past thirty years came from tombs in the vicinity of S hou Hsien, a city of the state of Wu, which wa s annexed by Ch'u in 473 B.c .LChis sudden appearance ot fine "bronze'Craft in an area in which no metallurgy seems to have s ion
against
state,
northern 'neighbours was
its
A
F& 55
been practised in the
earlier
and sinicisation of a people on as barbarians rpT he Ch'u
Chou
period
whom art
Much
of it so closely resembles the
found
southern
Hsin Cheng
style to
a sign of the wealth
had looked
appears in bronze fully fledged
vessels
at
is
the northerners
that
be derived from
it.
style of the later
.
group of
one might think the new But the very abundance of
Hsien suggests that there was here an inven/ bronze centre which produced its own version of the
the finds at_Shou t ive
,
ornament and animal motifs
now
fashionable farther north,
possibly influenced by a local artistic tradition
Fig.
52 Decoration of a bronze vase ('hunting hu')
Copenhagen. $th Century B.C. Scale approx. 1:3
168
in
the
which had not
Kunstindustri' Museum,
The Art of the Bronze Age
Fig.
55 Decoration on a bronze hu. $th'4th century B.C. The scenes include bow and the picking of mulberry leaves (top register); shooting
target
practice with the
pounding
rice
birds,
(?) and playing music on bronze bells and musical stones (middle register);
a battle on land and water (lowest register); National
Museum,
previously been expressed in metal.
We
Peking. Scale, approx. 1:3
may assume
these times a trade in finished bronzes passed
from
that
b
state to state
from one workshop to another. The motifs found on the bronzes from Shou Hs ien were taken by Karlgren to define a Huai style, s o called after t he rive r ideas travelling rapidly
on which
the
town
stands.
The
stylejreyeals the
same
partial
169
China Plates 54, 55
I
kin ship with the animal
\
northern
I
J
/
/
ER
J
|| .\
14
15
0^
4
-
1
s
•a** J' 16